Soviet foreign policy on the eve of the great patriotic war. Foreign policy of the ussr on the eve of vov
Topic: "Foreign Policy of the USSR on the Eve of the Second World War."
1. Introduction.
4. USSR and the war in Spain.
5. The Munich Agreement.
6. Far Eastern policy of the USSR.
7. Soviet-German agreements.
8. Conclusion.
1. Introduction.
The Second World War had its own specific reasons and features that distinguished it from the First World War. Nevertheless, according to their deep sources and a certain continuity of the geopolitical situation, both world wars can be considered as bursts of the global crisis of the system of international relations of the late XIX - the first world war of the XX century.
The situation in Europe in the 30s and early 40s was a difficult one.
In the center of Europe there was a strong German empire, which after the First World War began to strengthen, gaining economic power. Because of the disputed territories of Alsace and Lorraine, France became a natural adversary of Germany. Faced with the threat of German hegemony, France teamed up with Russia.
The situation in Europe was aggravated by the growing contradictions between Russia and Austria-Hungary (an ally of Germany) on the Balkan Peninsula. The fragility of the “patchwork” Austro-Hungarian empire, the transfer of Russian foreign policy from the Far East to the Middle East and Europe (after the Russo-Japanese war), as well as the severity of the problems of the countries of the Balkan region, all this inevitably brought a clash of interests between the great powers.
The most important reason for the growing instability of the system of international relations was the relative weakening of the British Empire, despite its vast possessions, financial, naval power. This nineteenth-century superpower was increasingly losing the US and Germany in economic development. Germany’s trade and political expansion, the unprecedented pace of building its navy and rearmament of the army all threatened the British Empire. The violation of the international balance of forces forced England to abandon the role of world arbiter, and to conclude an alliance with France and Russia. The split of Europe into two hostile camps led to a global armed conflict.
The reverse side of progress also affected, which mankind did not learn to neutralize as a result of technological advances, internalization of economic and political development, and the gradual involvement of the broad masses in politics that gave the growing conflict an unprecedented scale. Churchill wrote: “The unification of mankind into large states and empires and the awakening of collective self-awareness among the peoples of the nations made it possible to plan and carry out bloodshed on such a scale and with such persistence about which they had no idea before .... The achievements of civilization allowed for a long time to switch the energy of entire nations to the cause of destruction. ”
In addition, the victory of the Bolsheviks in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century led to the fact that the world was divided into socialist and capitalist segments, and the latter, in its own, into triumphant victorious powers and humble loser countries. At the same time, the two largest and restoring economies, the USSR and Germany, formed totalitarian regimes that distinguished themselves from each other by their goals and objectives. However, there were common features between these states. The totalitarian regimes of Germany and the USSR did not perceive universal values, the "bourgeois democracies" of the world system that developed after the end of the First World War. The USSR strove for national messianism. Genetically, they gave birth to the fact that the global crisis of the system of international relations was an important prerequisite for the victory of the Bolshevik and fascist regimes, and in many ways the conditions for their existence. The difference was that the victory of the Bolsheviks was facilitated by the protracted First World War, the fall of tsarism, and the affirmation of fascism - the results of this war, the increased influence of the Communists in Germany. German National Socialism was oriented towards changes in the country in foreign policy influence and did not pretend to restructure the socio-economic foundations of society.
A means of realizing the fascist doctrine, based on the thesis of the racial superiority of the Aryans over other peoples, as well as a way to solve socio-economic problems, was the war openly proclaimed by Hitler.
Thus, in these conditions, the foreign policy of the USSR, having two interpenetrating layers: one is official relations with the countries of the West and the East at the diplomatic level, and the other is semi-illegal and illegal activity to promote the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, communism and strengthen its influence in these countries through structures close in ideas. In foreign policy, with varying success, there was a struggle for the priority of each of these two layers. But gradually, with the fading into the background of the ideals of the immediate implementation of the world revolution, the tasks of ensuring the stability of the new regime in the USSR began to be solved with the great use of diplomatic methods.
2. "New Deal" of Soviet diplomacy.
Since 1933, with the new alignment of political forces in Europe, associated primarily with the advent of fascism in Germany led by A. Hitler, a significant turn has taken place in Soviet foreign policy. It was expressed in a departure from the perception of all "imperialist" states as real enemies, ready at any moment to start a war against the USSR.
At the end of 1933, on behalf of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs developed a comprehensive plan for creating a collective security system in Europe. From that moment until 1939, Soviet foreign policy assumed an explicit anti-German orientation. Its main priority is the desire for an alliance with democratic countries in order to isolate Germany and Japan. This course was carried out by M. M. M. Litvinov. The first successes in the implementation of new foreign economic tasks was the establishment in November 1933 of diplomatic relations with the United States and the admission of the USSR in 1934 to the League of Nations, where he became a permanent member of the Council of the League. This means the formal return of the country to the world community as a great power. It is fundamentally important that the admission of the USSR to the League of Nations took place on the terms put forward by the USSR: all disputes, primarily about royal debts, were resolved in his favor.
In May 1935, a Mutual Assistance Treaty was concluded between the USSR and France in the event of a possible attack by any aggressor. But the mutual obligations assumed were in fact ineffective, since the treaty was not accompanied by any military agreements. Subsequently, the Mutual Assistance Treaty was signed with Czechoslovakia.
In 1935, the USSR condemned the introduction of universal military service in Germany and the Italian attack on Ethiopia. And after the introduction of German troops into the demilitarized Rhine region, the Soviet Union proposed the League of Nations to take collective measures to effectively curb violation of international obligations. But his voice was not heard.
The sequence of foreign policy of the Soviet Union, aimed at the collective organization of the rebuff to fascist aggression, was confirmed in connection with the seizure of Austria by German troops. While the Western countries not only did not stand up for Austria, but, on the contrary, hastened to recognize the inclusion of Austrian territory in Germany, the Soviet Union refused to recognize the capture of Austria and resolutely opposed aggression. M.M. Litvinov, on behalf of the government, issued a statement on March 17, 1938, which emphasized the dangerous consequences of passivity in the face of aggression, and proposed to respond to it with collective action. This initiative was not supported. She was immediately rejected by the British government. The USA, although they did not give a formal answer, took, in fact, a negative position.
3. The Comintern: a course towards the creation of a united anti-fascist front.
To implement its foreign policy plans, the USSR actively used the Comintern.
Until 1933, I. Stalin considered the main task of the Comintern to organize support for his domestic political course in the international arena.
The greatest criticism of the Stalinist methods was voiced by world social democracy. Therefore, Stalin declared the main enemy of the Communists all the Social Democrats, regarding them as accomplices of fascism. These Comintern attitudes led in practice to a split in anti-fascist forces, which greatly facilitated the Nazis' coming to power in Germany.
In 1933, along with the revision of the Soviet foreign policy, the basic principles of the Comintern were also changing. The development of a new strategic line was led by Georgy Dimitrov, the winner of the Leipzig process launched by the Nazis against the Communists.
The new tactics were approved by the VII Congress of the Comintern, which took place in the summer of 1935 in Moscow. Now the main task was proclaimed the creation of a united anti-fascist front to prevent a world war. To this end, the Communists had to organize cooperation with all forces from the Social Democrats to the liberals.
The creation of an anti-fascist front and broad anti-war actions were closely linked to the struggle for peace and security of the Soviet Union. Congress warned that in the event of an attack on the USSR, the Communists would urge the working people by all means and at all costs to contribute to the victory of the Red Army over the imperialist armies.
The first attempt to implement the new tactics of the Comintern in practice was made in 1936 in Spain.
4. The USSR and the war in Spain.
In July 1936, in Spain, General Franco led a fascist rebellion against the republican government. Italy and Germany provided the Spanish fascists with substantial material and technical assistance. They sent about 250 thousand of their soldiers and officers. England and France proclaimed a policy of "no interference." The USSR at first supported England and France, but this position provoked indignation of the left forces.
Volunteers from all over the world came to Spain.
Soviet diplomacy was in a very difficult situation. On the one hand, the open material and military support of republican Spain threatened the USSR with new accusations of exporting the revolution, which meant disrupting any attempts at rapprochement with Western countries. On the other hand, leaving the left forces of Spain and its voluntary defenders without support inevitably threatened with the loss of influence of the Soviet Union in the international communist movement and the growth of sympathy for the Trotskyists, whose positions in Spain were quite strong. This Stalin could not allow. Therefore, although belatedly, on October 4, 1936, the USSR openly declared its support for the Spanish Republic. Soviet military equipment was sent to Spain, two thousand advisers, including for the fight against Trotskyism, as well as a significant number of volunteers from among military specialists. However, this assistance was not sufficient. In 1939, the Republican government of Spain, shaken by internal contradictions, capitulated to the rebels.
Thousands of Spanish children came to the USSR. Military experts from the USSR gained combat experience in Spain, which came in handy later.
The events in Spain clearly showed the need for joining forces in the struggle against fascism, which was gaining strength. But the Western democracies still continued to weigh whether the regime was more dangerous for them - fascist or communist.
4. The Munich Agreement.
Meanwhile, the fascist powers continued the policy of new territorial conquests.
The next victim of Germany was Czechoslovakia. The USSR was linked to Czechoslovakia by the Mutual Assistance Treaty, which, however, had a substantial reservation under which the Soviet Union could provide military assistance to Czechoslovakia only if France took similar measures. The Soviet leadership was ready to assist Czechoslovakia without France, but on the condition that it itself asked the USSR about this. M.M. Litvinov, in his speech at the plenary meeting of the League of Nations on September 21, once again clearly and clearly explained the position of the Soviet government. He proposed convening a meeting of interested states to work out collective action. The Polish government, seeking to promote aggression against Czechoslovakia, was warned by the Soviet side. The People's Commissariat of Defense of the USSR put forward the required number of rifle and cavalry divisions to the western border, and put aviation and tank formations on alert. All these troops could immediately come to the aid of Czechoslovakia.
However, the efforts of the Soviet Union ran into resistance from Western countries.
The governments of France and England, acting in agreement with the US government, exerted pressure on Czechoslovakia, seeking from it concessions in favor of Germany. The Czechoslovak government went on surrender.
In September 1938, the leaders of England and France arrived in Munich to negotiate with Germany and Italy. Representatives of Czechoslovakia, the USSR were not admitted to the conference. The Munich agreement finally fixed the course of the Western powers to pacify the fascist aggressors, satisfying Germany’s claims to tear off the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia.
The hopes of the USSR for the possibility of creating a collective security system were finally dispelled after the signing of the Anglo-German and in September of this year the Franco-German declarations, which are essentially non-aggression pacts. In these documents, the contracting parties declared their desire to never wage war against each other and to resolve all issues through consultations.
The Soviet government began negotiations with the governments of England and France, hoping through joint efforts to create a barrier to fascist aggression.
The governments of England and France, agreeing to the negotiations, which they saw as a means of pressure on Germany (because it soon became clear that Munich policy was not yielding the desired results), believed that the threat of an alliance between England and France with the USSR would force Germany to come to an agreement with Western countries .
The Anglo-Franco-Soviet negotiations began in March 1939 and lasted five months. During these negotiations, disagreements of the three powers were outlined. If the Soviet Union sought to suppress Nazi aggression, then England and France sought to expose the USSR to German attack, did not want to bind themselves with certain obligations, but to secure their support in case Germany moved west.
All the insincerity of the policy of the Western powers is evident from the fact that during the Anglo-Franco-Soviet meetings, England secretly conducted negotiations with Germany, at which they talked about a new conspiracy against the USSR. The USSR faced the task of preventing international isolation. The Soviet Union began the search for a new foreign policy line.
5. Far Eastern policy of the USSR.
Despite the complexity of the European foreign policy, the situation on the western borders of the USSR was relatively calm. At the same time, violent diplomatic and political conflicts poured into direct military clashes on the Far Eastern borders, changing the political map of the region.
The first military conflict occurred in the summer and fall of 1929 in Northern Manchuria. The CER was the stumbling block. According to the 1924 agreement between the USSR and Beijing, the railway passed to joint management. But by the end of the 20s, the road passed, in fact, into the ownership of the USSR. The government of Chiang Kai-shek, which came to power in China in 1928, tried by force to regain its lost ground on the CER. Armed conflict arose.
In 1931, Japan, capturing Manchuria, created a military threat to the Far Eastern borders of the USSR. The Japanese threat forced China and the USSR to restore diplomatic relations.
In November 1939, Germany and Japan signed the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact, to which Spain also joined. In July 1937, Japan launched a large-scale aggression against China. China and the USSR went to rapprochement and in August 1937 a non-aggression pact was signed between them. In the summer of 1938, separate armed clashes broke out between Japanese and Soviet forces on the Soviet-Manchu border. A fierce battle took place in August 1938 in the area of \u200b\u200bLake Hassan. From Japan, it was a reconnaissance in force, which showed that it was unlikely to be able to take the Soviet borders from a swoop. Since May 1939, on the territory of Mongolia in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Halkin-Gol River, large-scale actions of the Soviet-Mongolian troops with the Japanese army were already carried out.
6. Soviet-German agreements.
The negotiations of the USSR with England and France stalled. Western governments sought not so much for real agreements with the USSR as for putting pressure on Hitler.
Under these conditions, the USSR turned out to be most interested in reaching any agreements and thereby ensuring its security. May 3, 1936 People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs M.M. Litvinov, a supporter of an alliance with the Western powers, was replaced by V.M. Molotov. This was an unambiguous symptom of a change in emphasis in Soviet foreign policy. On May 30, the German leadership made it clear that it was ready to improve relations with the USSR. On May 23, Hitler finally approved the plan of the armed struggle against France and England on the Western Front and was therefore interested in a temporary alliance with the USSR. Unlike the leaders of England and France, he was ready to make real concessions. The decision to start negotiations with Germany and to improve political relations with her, Stalin made at the end of July. However, he has not refused contacts with Western democracies. Intelligence reports of the deployment of German troops against Poland, which was due to be completed between August 15 and 20, further intensified Soviet diplomacy. If England and France did not want to take on certain obligations, then Hitler expressed a clear willingness to agree with the USSR. The agreement with Hitler allowed to delay the entry of the USSR into the war. Moreover, it made it possible not only to preserve the inviolability of the Soviet borders, but also significantly expand them.
Convinced of the failure of negotiations with England and France (August 14), this idea was expressed by the head of the British mission, Admiral R. Drax.
On the night of August 20, a trade credit agreement was signed in Berlin. On August 21, negotiations with Western countries were interrupted. On the same day, the German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow to sign the non-aggression act. On August 23, 1939, the so-called Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact was signed in Moscow. A secret additional protocol was attached to the agreement, which provided for the delineation of the areas of mutual interests in Eastern Europe. Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Eastern Poland and Bessarabia were assigned to the sphere of influence of the USSR. The very fact of the existence of these protocols until the end of 1980 was denied by the Soviet side. In recent years, the leadership of the USSR withheld the originals of the protocols from the public.
These documents radically changed both Soviet foreign policy and the situation in Europe. From now on, the Stalinist leadership turned into Germany’s ally for the division of Europe. The signing of this pact removed the last obstacle to an attack on Poland and, thus, served as a signal for the outbreak of World War II. The evaluation of the pact on August 23, 1939, and in general the rapprochement that he began with the USSR and Germany, is the subject of heated debate. Supporters of the pact believe that there really was a danger of the emergence of an anti-Soviet front, uniting the fascist and democratic powers, and the existence of a threat of war in the west against Germany and in the east against Japan. And also, thanks to the conclusion of the pact, a gain was achieved in the time the USSR entered the war. Opponents of the pact conclude that these arguments are far-fetched.
In the years 1939-1940. Stalin enforced the decisions of a secret agreement with Germany on the annexation of the territories of Eastern Europe to the USSR. On September 28, the treaty “On Friendship and the Border with Germany” and three secret protocols to it were signed. In these documents, the parties pledged to wage a joint struggle against "Polish agitation" and specified areas of influence. In September-October 1939, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania agreed, under pressure from Moscow, to conclude agreements on mutual assistance and the deployment of Soviet troops on its territory. In 1940, Stalin obtained from Romania the return of Bessarabia.
It was much more difficult for Stalin to deal with Finland, which refused to sign the agreement on mutual assistance and changing the border. November 30, 1939 the USSR began military operations against Finland. However, Stalin did not achieve a quick victory over Finland. Despite military superiority, the Red Army for a long time could not break the Finnish resistance. Only in February 1940, at the cost of enormous sacrifices, she was able to break through the line of defense. On March 12, 1940, a peace treaty was signed, according to which the USSR received the territory it claimed. Due to aggression against Finland, the USSR was expelled from the League of Nations and ended up in international isolation. Only the conclusion of peace saved the USSR from the entry of England and France on the side of the Finns.
7. Conclusion.
Thus, on the eve of World War II, the foreign policy of the USSR changed depending on the alignment of political forces in Europe. The coming to power in Germany of fascism aroused the USSR’s desire to create a collective security system that was not supported by Western European countries, which pushed the USSR to conclude an alliance with Germany in order to delay the time of entering the war due to the economic and military backwardness of the Soviet state.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
1. Volkogonov D.N. Triumph and tragedy: a political portrait of I.V. Stalin. M.: Progress. Book 2, part 1, 1989
2. Beladi L., Kraus T. Stalin. M .: Politizdat. 1989
3. Secrecy stamp removed: loss of the USSR Armed forces in wars, military operations and military conflicts. Articles, studies. M .: Bustard. 1993
4. Europe between peace and war. 1918-1939 M .: Science. 1992
5. The history of the second world war. In 12 t. M.: Military book. 1973-1982
6. Zhukov G.K. Memoirs and reflections. In 3 t. M.: Science. 1992
7. Eve and the beginning of the war: documents and materials. L .: Science. Linen. Dep. 1991
8. Norden A. So do the war. M .: Progress. 1972
9. Rozanov G.L. Stalin-Hitler: a documentary on Soviet-German diplomatic relations. 1939-1941 M .: Science. 1991
10. Samsonov A.M. The Second World War. In 3 t. M.: Progress. 1989
11. Churchill W. World War II. In 3 t. M.: Education. 1991
The Second World War had its own specific reasons and features that distinguished it from the First World War. Nevertheless, according to their deep sources and a certain continuity of the geopolitical situation, both world wars can be considered as bursts of the global crisis of the system of international relations of the late XIX - the first world war of the XX century.
The situation in Europe in the 30s and early 40s was a difficult one.
In the center of Europe there was a strong German empire, which after the First World War began to strengthen, gaining economic power. Because of the disputed territories of Alsace and Lorraine, France became a natural adversary of Germany. Faced with the threat of German hegemony, France teamed up with Russia.
The situation in Europe was aggravated by the growing contradictions between Russia and Austria-Hungary (an ally of Germany) on the Balkan Peninsula. The fragility of the “patchwork” Austro-Hungarian empire, the transfer of Russian foreign policy from the Far East to the Middle East and Europe (after the Russo-Japanese war), as well as the severity of the problems of the countries of the Balkan region, all this inevitably brought a clash of interests between the great powers.
The most important reason for the growing instability of the system of international relations was the relative weakening of the British Empire, despite its vast possessions, financial, naval power. This nineteenth-century superpower was increasingly losing the US and Germany in economic development. Germany’s trade and political expansion, the unprecedented pace of building its navy and rearmament of the army all threatened the British Empire. The violation of the international balance of forces forced England to abandon the role of world arbiter, and to conclude an alliance with France and Russia. The split of Europe into two hostile camps led to a global armed conflict.
The reverse side of progress also affected, which mankind did not learn to neutralize as a result of technological advances, internalization of economic and political development, and the gradual involvement of the broad masses in politics that gave the growing conflict an unprecedented scale. Churchill wrote: “The unification of mankind into large states and empires and the awakening of collective self-awareness among the peoples of the nations made it possible to plan and carry out bloodshed on such a scale and with such persistence about which they had no idea before .... The achievements of civilization allowed for a long time to switch the energy of entire nations to the cause of destruction. ”
In addition, the victory of the Bolsheviks in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century led to the fact that the world was divided into socialist and capitalist segments, and the latter, in its own, into triumphant victorious powers and humble loser countries. At the same time, the two largest and restoring economies, the USSR and Germany, formed totalitarian regimes that distinguished themselves from each other by their goals and objectives. However, there were common features between these states. The totalitarian regimes of Germany and the USSR did not perceive universal values, the "bourgeois democracies" of the world system that developed after the end of the First World War. The USSR strove for national messianism. Genetically, they gave birth to the fact that the global crisis of the system of international relations was an important prerequisite for the victory of the Bolshevik and fascist regimes, and in many ways the conditions for their existence. The difference was that the victory of the Bolsheviks was facilitated by the protracted First World War, the fall of tsarism, and the affirmation of fascism - the results of this war, the increased influence of the Communists in Germany. German National Socialism was oriented towards changes in the country in foreign policy influence and did not pretend to restructure the socio-economic foundations of society.
A means of realizing the fascist doctrine, based on the thesis of the racial superiority of the Aryans over other peoples, as well as a way to solve socio-economic problems, was the war openly proclaimed by Hitler.
Thus, under these conditions, the foreign policy of the USSR, having two interpenetrating layers: one is official relations with the countries of the West and the East at the diplomatic level, and the other is semi-illegal and illegal activity to promote the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, communism and strengthen its influence in these countries through structures close in ideas. In foreign policy, with varying success, there was a struggle for the priority of each of these two layers. But gradually, with the fading into the background of the ideals of the immediate implementation of the world revolution, the tasks of ensuring the stability of the new regime in the USSR began to be solved with the great use of diplomatic methods.
International Relations in the Recent Pre-War Years
In the late 30s. the world was rapidly heading for a new war. The situation of the USSR was extremely difficult. In the east, there was danger from Japan, in the West - increased German aggressiveness and a policy of "appeasement" of Western countries. In March 1939, developing the Munich deal, Hitler seized the Czech Republic, which greatly alarmed the governments of England and France. The last attempt was made on the eve of World War II to agree on joint action with the USSR against Germany.
In August, negotiations began in Moscow between the delegations of the USSR, England and France, which lasted more than two months without any results. The USSR explained the failure of the negotiations by the position of the West. Now it is often said that both sides were to blame for this, who were distrustful of each other.
Under these conditions, Hitler is moving closer to the USSR, which provokes a positive response from Stalin. To avoid a war on two fronts during the capture of Poland - this was the main goal of Hitler’s diplomacy. On August 23, at the initiative of Hitler, German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow and the Soviet-German non-aggression treaty (the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) was signed on the same day. The treaty was supplemented by a secret protocol, the existence of which was denied in the USSR for a long time, and It was recognized only under Gorbachev.The Protocol determined the fate of the Polish state, established the spheres of influence of the two countries in Europe, including the Baltic states belonged to the Soviet sphere. Having secured itself in the East, Germany attacked on September 1 OC 1939 Poland September 3, Britain and France declared war on Germany, - as World War II began on September 28 agreement was signed with Germany on the Soviet Boundary and Friendship There was a full convergence:. application for friendship, large supply of Soviet resources...
There are different assessments of Soviet foreign policy and these documents: Soviet historians say that the pact is a necessary measure in view of Western policy, it allowed to gain time and strengthen defense.
Territorial increments of the USSR
After Hitler's attack on Poland, Stalin sent his troops into the eastern regions of this country in Western Ukraine and Belarus, which was declared a "liberation campaign." There was some historical justice in this, but a repressive regime was established in the annexed territories. Mass deportations of "bourgeois", "kulaks", and "enemies" to Siberia began - 10% of the population was evicted.
Relying on decisions on the division of spheres of influence, the USSR strengthened the dictatorship in the Baltic states, where Soviet troops were stationed in accordance with previously concluded treaties. In summer, pro-Soviet governments came to power in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. They turned to the USSR with a request to enter it. These countries became the new Soviet republics. Now these events are the subject of heated debate. In the Baltic countries they are considered occupation, which determines the attitude to the "Russian-speaking population" as to the "occupiers".
In the same 1940, an ultimatum was presented to the Romanian government on the transfer to the Soviet Union of Bessarabia (it was annexed by Romania in 1918) and Northern Bukovina. Bessarabia was included in the USSR as the Moldavian USSR, and Northern Bukovina became part of Ukraine.
In November 1939, the USSR declared war on Finland. Stalin sought territorial increments to move the border to the west, away from Leningrad. Due to the unpreparedness of the Red Army, the war dragged on. Only in February 1940 did Finnish fortifications (the "Mannerheim Line") break through at the cost of huge casualties. In March 1940, the Finnish government was forced to sign a peace treaty under which major territorial concessions were made to the Soviet Union. Many historians believe that the “winter war” strengthened the isolation of the USSR and showed the weakness of the Red Army, which influenced Hitler’s final decision to attack the USSR. However, according to V. Suvorov, the war showed the high qualities of the Red Army, which was able to do the impossible.
War and the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition
The German attack on the USSR created the prerequisites for the union of the USSR and democratic countries in the fight against fascist aggressors. Already on June 22, W. Churchill announced his support for the USSR, and on July 12, a Soviet-English agreement was signed on joint actions in the war with Germany. At the end of July, negotiations were held in Moscow of the personal representative of US President Roosevelt - Hopkins. September-October 1941 - Moscow conference of the USSR, Great Britain and the USA on military supplies (Lend-Lease). In January 1942, the United Nations Declaration was signed, which was joined by 26 states at war with the Axis powers.
The legalization of the anti-Hitler coalition was completed in 1942: in May the Soviet-English treaty, in June the Soviet-American agreement.
International conferences of the war period
The most important manifestation of cooperation between the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition were three conferences - Tehran, Yalta and Potsdam.
The Tehran Conference - the "Big Three" (Stalin, Churchill and Roosevelt) was held in November-December 1943.
The main question was: on the second front in Europe, since its opening, despite the demands of the USSR, was repeatedly postponed. Churchill was for opening in the Balkans. As a result, they decided to land the allies in France in May 1944. They outlined the contours of the post-war world. Stalin made an obligation after the defeat of Germany to take part in the war with Japan.
In February 1945, the Yalta Conference of the Big Three was held. Here, the problems of completing the defeat of Germany and its post-war structure (the complete eradication of fascism) were agreed upon, the questions of the return of South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands to the USSR, and reparations from Germany were resolved, the USSR reaffirmed its commitment to enter the war with Japan 2-3 months after the end of the war in Europe.
July-August 1945: The Potsdam Conference is open. Decisions were made on the four zones of German occupation, on the creation of the International Military Tribunal over the main war criminals. The transfer of East Prussia to the USSR was confirmed.
Conclusions: during the war years, the successful cooperation of the USSR and democratic countries. Especially military supplies: Lend-Lease amounted to 5% of our production, but for some items (airplanes, trucks) -10% or more. However, contradictions persisted, which manifested itself in the delay of the second front. This became a prerequisite for the deterioration of relations after the war - marked the beginning of the Cold War
Lecture No. 12. Topic: The Soviet state on the eve of and during the Second World War (1939-1945).
Plan.
1. The international situation and foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of World War II. Europe against the USSR.
2. The German attack on the USSR. The reasons for the defeat of the Red Army in the initial period of the war. Mobilization of the people to repulse the enemy.
3. A radical change during the war.
4. The expulsion of the fascist invaders from the territory of the USSR in 1944 - 1945. The liberation of Europe and the formation of the post-war world order.
The international situation and foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of World War II. Europe against the USSR.
In the 1930s There was a significant aggravation of international relations. During the years of the economic crisis of 1929 - 1933 further destruction accelerated and the collapse of the Versailles-Washington system occurred. The rivalry of the leading capitalist countries intensified. Constantly growing desire to impose their will on other countries by force.
Powers appeared on the international arena, ready to unilaterally mop up the international situation that existed at that time. The first to take this path was Japan, which aggressively began to defend its interests in China and the Pacific Ocean. In 1931, she carried out the occupation of Manchuria - one of the developed provinces of China.
Tensions also increased in Europe. The main events unfolded in Germany, which was preparing for a radical breakdown of the existing world order. In 1933 came to power in Germany National Socialist German Workers Party, Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP)headed by Hitler. The fascist foreign policy program was aimed at reviewing the results of the First World War, taking into account the interests of the German people. At the same time, Hitler and his entourage declared the need for Germany to establish world domination with a new all-encompassing war of extermination.
The USSR and France showed serious concern about the development of events in Germany. These states came up with the idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a collective security system in Europe.
Meanwhile, the situation in Europe was heating up. In 1933, Germany left the League of Nations. The country was building up its military power at a rapid pace.
Not all European politicians were not just in words, but in fact were ready for decisive action against the aggressor. Many politicians attributed the increased aggressiveness of Germany, Italy and Japan to the fact that these powers were infringed upon in the process of establishing the Versailles system. Consequently, if, to a certain extent, one meets their requirements, it will be possible to restore the crumbling consensus in international relations. Best of all, such a policy of "appeasement" felt Adolf Schicklgruber-Hitler. In March 1936, German troops entered the Rhine region demilitarized by the Versailles Peace Treaty. This step of Germany did not meet with condemnation in the West. Hitler began to feel more confident. The strategic objectives of Germany dictated the need to unite the forces of interested countries. In 1936 - 1937 the Anti-Comintern Pact took shape, which included Germany, Japan and Italy. Their main opponents - England, France, the USSR, the USA could not show due will, overcome the disagreements that divided them and come forward against the militarist forces.
Taking advantage of this, in March 1938, Hitler implemented his long-standing plan for the Anschluss (takeover) of Austria, which became part of the Reich. In the fall of 1938, Hitler began to put pressure on Czechoslovakia so that the government of this country agreed to transfer Germany to the Sudetenland. On the part of Hitler, this was a risky move, since Czechoslovakia had contractual ties with France and the USSR. But the President of Czechoslovakia Benes did not dare to turn to the USSR for help and had hopes only. Moreover, the Polish government did not allow Soviet troops to go through its territory to help the Czechs. So the Western European countries sacrificed Czechoslovakia. England and France gave the nod to its dismemberment in exchange for Hitler's assurances that he no longer had territorial claims against his neighbors.
But this circumstance prompted England and France to begin negotiations with the USSR on possible joint actions in the event of Hitler's widespread aggression against other European states. These negotiations were difficult, the parties did not trust each other.
In this situation, the Soviet leadership, in order to ensure the country's security, decided to drastically change the orientation of its foreign policy. On August 23, 1939, a nonaggression pact was signed between the USSR and Germany.
In addition to the nonaggression pact, the USSR and Germany were also signed secret protocol, according to which both parties agreed on the delimitation of their spheres of influence in Eastern Europe. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Finland, Bessarabia (Moldova), which were part of Romania, were recognized as spheres of interests of the USSR. Lithuania is Germany's area of \u200b\u200binterest.
This agreement corresponded to the state interests of the USSR, as it gave him a respite from participation in the impending war. As for the spheres of influence that were discussed in the German-Soviet negotiations, this was a generally accepted practice; only those regions that were traditionally part of Russia were included in the sphere of Soviet influence.
The unwillingness of the leading Western European countries to conduct constructive negotiations with the USSR on joint actions against a possible aggressor led to the strengthening of Germany.
On September 1, 1939, organizing a provocation on the German-Polish border, the Germans attacked Poland, which had mutual assistance agreements with England and France. Contrary to Hitler’s expectations, Poland’s allies Great Britain and France declared war on Germany on September 3. The dominions and colonial possessions of England and France entered the war. The Second World War began.
Polish troops could not resist the aggressor army. Two weeks after the outbreak of war, the Polish army was defeated. Poland as an independent state ceased to exist. In place of Poland, a governor general was created, led by the German command. As for Western Belarus and Western Ukraine, which were then part of Poland, then after its surrender, Soviet troops entered this territory, which, according to the secret protocol of the non-aggression treaty, was included in the USSR.
So far, calm reigned on the Western Front. The Anglo-French troops stationed there did not take any action against Germany, although they had a large numerical superiority, since the main forces of the German army were in Poland. The military confrontation on the Western Front, which lasted until the spring of 1940, was called the "strange war." The governments of England and France adhered to a defensive strategy during this war.
In the Far East, between 1938 and 1939, a number of border conflicts occurred between the Soviet Union and Japan. They were due to the fact that after the occupation of Manzhou-Guo and Korea, Japan turned its military interests to Soviet territory. Fights between Japanese and Soviet troops often took place on the border with Manchuria. Changkufeng incident, known as the fighting at Lake Hassan July 29 - August 11, 1938; The Nomohan incident, or the fighting on the Khalkhin-Gol River on May 11 - September 15, 1939 - as a result of the defeat of the Japanese, led to the fact that on April 13, 1941, Japan and the USSR signed a neutrality pact. Later, when in December 1941 German troops stood near Moscow, Hitler asked the Japanese to attack the USSR in the Far East, but they refused to join the Third Reich in his war with the USSR, although they were participants in the Axis.
At the end of November, a war broke out in northern Europe. The Soviet government, having lost hope of a negotiated settlement of the border conflict with Finland, decided to achieve its goal by force. On November 30, 1939, Soviet troops began military operations against Finland. This war was unsuccessful for the USSR. This action damaged the prestige of the USSR - he was expelled from the League of Nations. In the West, they tried to use this event to form a united anti-Soviet front. At the cost of heavy losses, the USSR managed to end this war in March 1940. The Finnish border was pushed away from Leningrad, Murmansk and the Murmansk railway.
In April 1940, the “strange war” unexpectedly ended. On April 9, the Germans occupied Denmark and landed in Norway. On May 10, the Germans, bypassing the Maginot Line, invaded Belgium and Holland, and from there to Northern France. In the Dunkirk area, an Anglo-French force was surrounded by the enemy. The Germans quickly began to move towards Paris. On June 10, 1940, the government fled from Paris. A few days later, the government was led by Marshal Peten, who appealed to Germany with a request for peace.
The war in Europe was gaining momentum; ever new countries and territories were included in its orbit. In 1940, Italy showed aggression against British Somalia, Egypt, and Greece. September 27, 1940 Germany, Italy and Japan signed the Triple Pact on the division of the world into spheres of influence. Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria, speaking on the side of Germany, were involved in the orbit of this pact.
There was a war in the Far East, where the zone of conflict in China was steadily expanding.
In the spring of 1941, Yugoslavia was at the center of the conflict. Under German pressure, the government of Yugoslavia signed a protocol on accession to the Triple Alliance. This caused an explosion of indignation in the country. The government has fallen. On April 6, German troops invaded Yugoslavia, and the country came under their control.
Similar information.
Introduction 3
Foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of World War II. four
Organizational Strengthening and Technical Equipment of the Soviet Armed Forces 7
Conclusion 26
References: 27
Introduction
Patriotic war of 1941-1945 became for the Russian people and the peoples of the Soviet Union a tragic milestone in a number of turning events of the 20th century. Never before had such a powerful, cruel, inhuman enemy confronted them.
Two incomplete years of the initial period of the Second World War is the last historical period before the start of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people. This was an exceptionally difficult time for the USSR, which required a realistic assessment of the balance of power on the world stage.
However, in any case, the Soviet Union was not ready at that time to wage war. The Red Army was unable to deliver a counterattack and did not have real defense capabilities due to weak weapons, numerous repressions among military personnel, lack of technical and military personnel, propaganda of an “easy” victory, etc. The overall staffing of the Soviet troops was much inferior to the staffing of the German troops. All this led to the defeat of the Soviet Union in the early stages of the war. The miscalculations of the Soviet government led to numerous victims that could have been avoided.
The prehistory of World War II testifies to the main thing: it is necessary to fight a war even when it has not begun. The Second World War is a lesson that calls on all the progressive forces of the planet to be vigilant, to rally, to actively fight against wars. The peoples of the whole world, drawing lessons from the past, are actively involved in the struggle for peace in order to prevent a new world military fire from erupting. To curb the forces of militarism and aggression is the most important task of all the forces of the world.
Soviet foreign policy on the eve of the second world war.
The Soviet country developed under the conditions of a hostile capitalist world and an extremely tense international situation.
The formation of hotbeds of war in Europe created a constant threat of war for our country. In 1937, the capitalist world was seized by an acute economic crisis, which exacerbated all the contradictions of capitalism. At the same time, an aggressive military bloc of Germany, Italy and Japan began to be created, which launched active preparations for the war. The purpose of these countries was a new redivision of the world.
To stop the war, the Soviet Union proposed the creation of a collective security system to unite the actions of the USSR, Britain and France against the expansion of German aggression. But powerful communist agitation and mass repression provoked a negative reaction from the European community and did not add credibility to the Soviet Union. Therefore, the activity of the Soviet leadership on the international scene in the 1930s did not find support among the Western powers and they did not show the necessary interest in creating a collective security system.
The governments of England, France and the United States made a deal with the aggressors. Which led to tragic consequences in the future. And already in 1938, Austria became a victim of fascist aggression, and the leading world powers did not take any measures to curb the aggressor. And soon Austria was captured by Germany and incorporated into the German Empire. Germany and Italy also intervened in the Spanish Civil War and helped to overthrow the legitimate government in March 1939. There was established a regime of fascist dictatorship.
The Munich Conference was held on September 29-30, 1938, in which A. Hitler, N. Chamberlain, E. Daladier and B. Mussolini took part. As a result, an agreement was signed on the division of Czechoslovakia, which lost 1/5 of the territory and about 5 million people, as well as 33% of industrial enterprises. Thus, the Munich Conference was the next step in unleashing the Second World War. (Textbook p. 24) Munich showed the Soviet leadership the unrealizability of hopes for a collective security system. The USSR was not even invited to it, and the Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak treaties turned out to be insignificant papers. For the Soviet leadership, this was a sign that the USSR was trying to move it away from active participation in European affairs. Soon, France signed an agreement with Germany, equivalent to a non-aggression pact. In Moscow, this was regarded as the direction of fascist aggression to the East.
In the spring of 1939, at the initiative of the Soviet government, negotiations began between the USSR, England and France on the conclusion of a tripartite pact of mutual assistance. The negotiations lasted until July and were inconclusive due to the position of the Western powers. They sent unauthorized delegations to the negotiations, allowing them to conclude a pact. And already in August 1939, one could see the unwillingness of the Western powers to curb fascist aggression, their desire to negotiate with Germany. Under these conditions, the Soviet Union decided to conclude a non-aggression pact with Germany. On August 21, Stalin received a telegram from Hitler, in which he announced that he wanted to conclude a non-aggression pact with the USSR and was ready to sign any additional agreement regarding the settlement of all / disputed issues. Hitler asked Stalin to receive German Foreign Minister I. Ribbentrop no later than August 23, to sign the relevant documents. It became clear to Stalin that the USSR could gain the coveted control over Eastern Europe, but not in exchange for participating in the war, but as the price of not participating in it. On the same day, Stalin suspended negotiations with England and France for an indefinite period and sent a reply telegram to Hitler expressing hope for a significant turn in Soviet-German relations and consent to accept Ribbentrop on 23 August.
After brief negotiations between Ribbentrop and Molotov (USSR Foreign Minister) in the Kremlin on the night of August 24, 1939, a non-aggression pact and a secret protocol were signed. In the protocol, the parties agreed to delimit “areas of interest” in Eastern Europe. Germany recognized the sphere of interests of the USSR Finland, Latvia, Estonia and Bessarabia. The USSR recognized Lithuania as a sphere of interest for Germany. The protocol provided for the possibility of partition of Poland.
Thus, the documents signed in Moscow completed the reorientation of Soviet foreign policy. But the meaning of this policy was not limited to an attempt to ensure security through direct agreement with Germany. The secret protocol testified that the USSR became an accomplice in the next redrawing of the map of Eastern Europe. By signing it, he actually ended up among the countries of the arsonists of the war, because the direct result of the signing of these documents was Hitler’s final decision to launch aggression against Poland.
Thus, after 8 days on September 1, Germany attacked Poland, and on September 3, England and France, in accordance with the guarantees given by Poland, declared war on Germany. Thus began the Second World War. .
On September 28, 1939, a Soviet-German friendship and border treaty was concluded, which was also accompanied by secret protocols. Responding in December to Hitler's congratulatory telegram to the 60th anniversary of Stalin, he wrote: "The friendship of the peoples of Germany and the Soviet Union, sealed with blood, has every reason to be long and lasting."
A dangerous situation prevailed on the Soviet-Finnish border. The Finnish reactionary circles in power collaborated with Germany. In an effort to ensure the security of the northwestern borders of the USSR, the Soviet government invited the Finnish government to conclude a Soviet-Finnish mutual assistance pact. In October 1939, negotiations began in Moscow, during which the Finnish delegation rejected almost all the proposals of the USSR.
The Soviet government proposed transferring part of the Karelian Isthmus to the USSR in order to push back the Soviet-Finnish border, which was 30 km from Leningrad. In exchange, the USSR gave twice as much territory in Soviet Karelia. This proposal was also rejected. As a result, negotiations were suspended. Supported by England, France, and the United States, Finland launched a series of armed provocations on the Soviet-Finnish border. In response, the Soviet government terminated the non-aggression pact and broke off diplomatic relations with Finland. However, provocations on the Soviet-Finnish border did not stop. On November 30, 1939, a military conflict broke out between Finland and the USSR.
Taking advantage of this, the governments of England and France, with the support of the US government, tried to turn the war against Germany into a war against the USSR. To this end, they sent weapons to help Finland.
The Red Army took possession of a system of powerful defensive fortifications on the Karelian Isthmus (the so-called "Linya Mannerheim"). The Soviet government proposed the start of peace talks. On March 12, 1940, the Soviet-Finnish peace treaty was signed. The USSR moved the Karelian Isthmus, a number of islands in the Gulf of Finland and some other territories. The peace treaty ensured the security of Leningrad, the bases of the Baltic Fleet, Murmansk and the Murmansk railway.
Time quickly proved the timeliness of the measures taken by the USSR to strengthen borders. In the summer of 1940, Hitlerite Germany defeated France and inflicted a heavy defeat on the British troops operating in Europe. In 1940, in the first half of 1941, Germany captured Denmark, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Luxembourg, Greece and Yugoslavia. Thus, Germany received the resources of the most economically developed countries. The huge industrial and raw material potential was used by Germany to accelerate the preparation of the war against the USSR. The threat of a military attack on the USSR has increased.
Soviet diplomacy did everything to prevent such an attack. The government of the USSR complied with all the points of the Soviet-German nonaggression pact.
In March 1941, an exchange of notes took place between the USSR and Turkey, in which both sides pledged to maintain mutual neutrality. In April 1941, a neutrality pact was signed between Japan and the USSR.
