Imp Nicholas 2. Emperor Nicholas II and his family

Nicholas II (Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov), the eldest son of Emperor Alexander III and Empress Maria Fedorovna, was born May 18 (May 6 Old Style) 1868  in Tsarskoye Selo (now the city of Pushkin, Pushkin district of St. Petersburg).

Immediately after birth, Nikolai was enlisted in several guards regiments and was appointed chief of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. The childhood of the future king passed in the walls of the Gatchina Palace. Nikolai's regular homework began at eight years old.

In December 1875  he received his first military rank - ensign, in 1880 he was promoted to lieutenant, four years later he became a lieutenant.   In 1884  year, Nikolai entered the active military service, in July 1887  years began regular military service in the Preobrazhensky regiment and was promoted to headquarters captains; in 1891 Nicholas received the rank of captain, and a year later - Colonel.

For exploring government affairs since May 1889  he began to attend meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. IN october 1890  years went on a trip to the Far East. For nine months, Nicholas visited Greece, Egypt, India, China, and Japan.

IN april 1894  The engagement of the future emperor with Princess Alice Darmstadt of Hesse, daughter of the Grand Duke of Hesse, granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England, took place. After the transition to Orthodoxy, she took the name of Alexandra Fedorovna.

November 2 (October 21 Old Style) 1894  Alexander III died. A few hours before his death, the dying emperor ordered his son to sign the Manifesto of accession to the throne.

The coronation of Nicholas II took place May 26 (14, old style) May 1896. On the thirtieth (18th according to the old style) on May 1896 during the festival on the occasion of the coronation of Nicholas II in Moscow on the Khodynsky field there was a stampede in which more than a thousand people died.

The reign of Nicholas II took place in an atmosphere of growing revolutionary movement and the complication of the foreign policy situation (Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905; Bloody Sunday; Revolution of 1905-1907; World War I; February Revolution of 1917).

Influenced by a strong social movement in favor of political change, October 30 (17 Old Style) October 1905Nicholas II signed the famous manifesto "On the improvement of public order": people were given freedom of speech, press, personality, conscience, assembly, unions; the State Duma was created as a legislative body.

The turning point in the fate of Nicholas II was 1914 year  - the beginning of the First World War. The first of August (July 19 according to the old style) 1914  Germany declared war on Russia. IN august 1915  years, Nicholas II took over the military command (previously, this position was performed by the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich). After the tsar spent most of his time at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev.

At the end of February 1917  unrest began in Petrograd, which grew into mass protests against the government and the dynasty. The February Revolution found Nicholas II at headquarters in Mogilev. Having received news of the uprising in Petrograd, he decided not to make concessions and force order in the city, but when the scale of the unrest became clear, he abandoned this thought, fearing a lot of bloodshed.

At midnight March 15 (2 Old Style) March 1917  in the cabin of the imperial train, standing on the tracks near the Pskov railway station, Nicholas II signed the act of abdication, transferring power to his brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, who did not accept the crown.

March 20 (7 Old Style) March 1917  The interim government issued an order to arrest the king. On March 22, 1917, Nicholas II and his family were arrested. The first five months they were protected in Tsarskoye Selo, in august 1917  they were transported to Tobolsk, where the Romanovs spent eight months.

At the beginning 1918  the Bolsheviks forced Nicholas to take off the shoulder straps of the colonel (his last military rank), which he perceived as a heavy insult. In May of this year, the imperial family was moved to Yekaterinburg, where she was placed in the house of mining engineer Nikolai Ipatiev.

On the night of July 17 (4 old) July 1918and Nicholas II, the tsarina, five of their children: daughters - Olga (1895), Tatyana (1897), Maria (1899) and Anastasia (1901), son - the crown prince, heir to the throne Alex (1904) and several close ones (11 people in total) ,. The shooting took place in a small room on the ground floor of the house, where victims were brought there under the pretext of evacuation. The tsar himself was shot with a pistol at point blank range by the commandant of the Ipatiev House Yankel Yurovsky. The bodies of the dead were taken out of town, doused with kerosene, tried to burn, and then buried.

At the beginning of 1991the first application was filed with the city prosecutor’s office for the discovery of bodies with signs of violent death near Yekaterinburg. After many years of research on the remains discovered near Yekaterinburg, a special commission came to the conclusion that they really are the remains of nine Nicholas II and his family. In 1997  they were solemnly buried in the Peter and Paul Cathedral of St. Petersburg.

In the year 2000  Nicholas II and his family were canonized by the Russian Orthodox Church.

On October 1, 2008, the Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation recognized the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II and his family as victims of illegal political repressions and rehabilitated them.

Since birth, titled His Imperial Highness Grand Duke Nikolai Alexandrovich. After the death of his grandfather, Emperor Alexander II, in 1881 received the title of Heir to the Tsesarevich.

... neither the figure, nor the ability to speak, the king did not touch the soldier’s soul and did not make the impression that is necessary in order to raise one’s spirits and greatly attract hearts. He did what he could, and it was impossible to blame him in this case, but he did not cause any good results in the sense of inspiration.

Childhood, education and upbringing

Nikolai received his home education as part of a large gymnasium course and in -1890, according to a specially written program that connected the course of the state and economic departments of the law faculty of the university with the course of the General Staff Academy.

The education and training of the future emperor took place under the personal guidance of Alexander III on a traditional religious basis. The training sessions of Nicholas II were conducted according to a carefully designed program for 13 years. The first eight years were devoted to subjects of the extended gymnasium course. Particular attention was paid to the study of political history, Russian literature, English, German and French, which Nikolay Alexandrovich mastered perfectly. The next five years were devoted to the study of military affairs, legal and economic sciences, necessary for a statesman. Lectures were delivered by prominent Russian scientists and academicians of world renown: N. N. Beketov, N. N. Obruchev, C. A. Cui, M. I. Dragomirov, N. Kh. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev and others. Presbyter I. L. Yanyshev taught the Crown Prince canon law in connection with the history of the church, the most important departments of theology and the history of religion.

Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Fedorovna. 1896 g

The first two years, Nikolai served as a junior officer in the ranks of the Preobrazhensky regiment. For two summer seasons he served in the ranks of the cavalry hussar regiment as a squadron commander, and then a camp gathering in the ranks of artillery. August 6, promoted to colonel. At the same time, his father introduces him to the course of governing the country, inviting him to participate in meetings of the State Council and the Cabinet of Ministers. At the suggestion of the Minister of Railways, S. Yu. Witte, Nikolai was appointed chairman of the Trans-Siberian Railway Construction Committee in 1892 to gain experience in government affairs. By the age of 23, Nikolai Romanov was a well-educated person.

The emperor’s education program included trips to various provinces of Russia, which he made with his father. To complete his education, his father assigned a cruiser at his disposal for travel to the Far East. For nine months, he and his retinue visited Austria-Hungary, Greece, Egypt, India, China, Japan, and later on a dry route through Siberia returned to the capital of Russia. In Japan, an attempt was made on Nicholas (see. The Otsu Incident). A shirt with blood stains is kept in the Hermitage.

His education was combined with deep religiosity and mysticism. “The sovereign, like his ancestor, Alexander I, was always mystically disposed,” Anna Vyrubova recalled.

The ideal ruler for Nicholas II was Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich Silent.

Lifestyle habits

Cesarevich Nikolay Alexandrovich Mountain landscape. 1886 Watercolor on paper. Caption: “Nicky. July 18, 1886. The drawing is pasted on the mat

Most of the time, Nicholas II lived with his family in the Alexander Palace. In the summer, he rested in the Crimea in the Livadia Palace. For recreation, he also annually made two-week trips around the Gulf of Finland and the Baltic Sea on the Standard yacht. He read both light entertaining literature and serious scientific works, often on historical topics. He smoked cigarettes, tobacco for which was grown in Turkey and sent to him as a gift from the Turkish Sultan. Nicholas II was fond of photography, he also liked to watch movies. All his children also took pictures. Nicholas from the age of 9 began to keep a diary. The archive contains 50 voluminous notebooks - the original diary for 1882-1918. Some of them were published.

Nikolay and Alexandra

The prince’s first meeting with his future wife took place in 1884, and in 1889 Nikolai asked his father for blessings to marry her, but was refused.

All correspondence of Alexandra Fedorovna with Nicholas II has been preserved. Only one letter of Alexandra Fedorovna was lost, all her letters are numbered by the empress herself.

Contemporaries evaluated the empress in different ways.

The Empress was infinitely kind and infinitely pitiful. It was these properties of her nature that were the driving forces in the phenomena that gave rise to intriguing people, people without conscience and heart, people blinded by a thirst for power, to unite among themselves and use these phenomena in the eyes of the dark masses and the idle and narcissistic part of the intelligentsia, eager for sensations, to discredit The Royal Family for their dark and selfish purposes. The Empress was attached with all her heart to people who really suffered or skillfully played their sufferings in front of her. She herself has suffered too much in life, both as a conscious person - for her motherland oppressed by Germany, and as a mother - for her passionately and infinitely beloved son. Therefore, she could not help but be too blind with other people approaching her, also suffering or appearing to be suffering ...   ... The Empress, of course, sincerely and strongly loved Russia, just as the Emperor loved her.

Coronation

Accession to the throne and beginning of reign

Letter from Emperor Nicholas II to Empress Maria Fyodorovna. January 14, 1906 Autograph. "Trepov is irreplaceable for me, a kind of secretary. He is experienced, smart and careful in advice. I let him read thick notes from Witte and then he reports them to me soon and clearly. This is certainly a secret from everyone!"

The coronation of Nicholas II took place on May 14 (26) of the year (for the victims of coronation celebrations in Moscow, see “Khodynka”). In the same year, the All-Russian Industrial and Art Exhibition was held in Nizhny Novgorod, which he visited. In 1896, Nicholas II also made a big trip to Europe, meeting with Franz Joseph, William II, Queen Victoria (the grandmother of Alexandra Fedorovna). The trip ended with the arrival of Nicholas II in the capital of allied France, Paris. One of the first personnel decisions of Nicholas II was the dismissal of I.V. Gurko from the post of Governor-General of the Kingdom of Poland and the appointment to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs A. B. Lobanov-Rostovsky after the death of N. K. Girs. The first of the major international actions of Nicholas II was the Triple Intervention.

Economic policy

In 1900, Nicholas II sent Russian troops to suppress the Ihetuan uprising together with the troops of other European powers, Japan and the United States.

The revolutionary newspaper “Liberation”, published abroad, did not hide its fears: “ If the Russian troops defeat the Japanese ... then freedom will be calmly strangled to the cries of cheers and the ringing of the triumphant Empire» .

The difficult situation of the tsarist government after the Russo-Japanese war prompted German diplomacy to make another attempt in July 1905 to tear Russia away from France and conclude a Russo-German alliance. William II invited Nicholas II to meet in July 1905 in the Finnish skerries, near the island of Björke. Nikolai agreed, and at the meeting he signed an agreement. But when he returned to Petersburg, he refused it, since the peace with Japan was already signed.

An American explorer from the era of T. Dennett wrote in 1925:

Few people now believe that Japan was devoid of the fruits of impending victories. The opposite opinion prevails. Many believe that Japan was already exhausted by the end of May and that only the conclusion of peace saved her from collapse or total defeat in a clash with Russia.

The defeat in the Russo-Japanese War (the first in half a century) and the subsequent brutal suppression of the revolution of 1905-1907. (subsequently aggravated by the appearance at the court of Rasputin) led to a fall in the emperor's authority in the circles of the intelligentsia and the nobility, so much so that even among the monarchists there were ideas about replacing Nicholas II with another Romanov.

The German journalist G. Gants, who lived in St. Petersburg during the war, noted the different position of the nobility and intelligentsia in relation to the war: “ The common secret prayer of not only liberals, but also of many moderate conservatives at that time was: “God help us to be broken”» .

The revolution of 1905-1907

With the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II tried to unite society against an external enemy, making significant concessions to the opposition. So, after the assassination of the Minister of Internal Affairs V.K. Pleve by the Socialist Revolutionary fighter, he appointed P.D.Svyatopolk-Mirsky, who was considered a liberal, to his post. On December 12, 1904, a decree “On the plans for improving the State Order” was issued, promising the extension of the rights of zemstvos, insurance of workers, emancipation of foreigners and Gentiles, and elimination of censorship. At the same time, the sovereign declared: "I will never, in any case, agree to a representative form of government, for I consider it harmful to the people entrusted to me by God."

... Russia has outgrown the form of the existing system. She strives for a legal system based on civil liberty ... It is very important to reform the State Council on the basis of a prominent participation in it of an elected element ...

Opposition parties took advantage of the expansion of freedom to strengthen attacks on tsarist power. On January 9, 1905, a major working demonstration took place in St. Petersburg, addressing the tsar with political and socio-economic demands. There was a clash of demonstrators with the troops, resulting in a large number of deaths. These events became known as Bloody Sunday, the victims of which, according to the research of V. Nevsky, were no more than 100-200 people. A wave of strikes swept across the country, the national suburbs became agitated. In Courland, the Forest Brothers began slaughtering local German landowners, and the Armenian-Tatar massacre began in the Caucasus. Revolutionaries and separatists received support with money and weapons from England and Japan. So, in the summer of 1905, the stranded English ship John Grafton was detained in the Baltic Sea, carrying several thousand rifles for Finnish separatists and revolutionary fighters. There were several uprisings in the Navy and in various cities. The largest was the December uprising in Moscow. At the same time, the Socialist-Revolutionary and Anarchist individual terror gained great scope. In just a couple of years, revolutionaries killed thousands of officials, officers and police - in 1906 alone, 768 were killed and 820 representatives and agents of power were wounded.

The second half of 1905 was marked by numerous unrest in universities and even in theological seminaries: almost 50 secondary theological schools were closed due to unrest. The adoption on August 27 of the provisional law on autonomy of universities caused a general strike of students and stirred up teachers of universities and theological academies.

The ideas of the highest dignitaries about the current situation and ways out of the crisis were clearly manifested during four secret meetings led by the emperor, held in 1905-1906. Nicholas II was forced to liberalize, moving to constitutional rule, while suppressing armed protests. From a letter from Nicholas II to the Dowager Empress Maria Fedorovna of October 19, 1905:

Another way is the granting of civil rights to the population - freedom of speech, the press, meetings and unions and the inviolability of the person; .... Witte ardently defended this path, saying that although he was risky, he was nevertheless the only one at the moment ...

On August 6, 1905, a manifesto on the establishment of the State Duma, a law on the State Duma, and a regulation on elections to the Duma were published. But the revolution, which was gaining strength, easily stepped over the acts of August 6, in October an all-Russian political strike began, over 2 million people went on strike. On the evening of October 17, Nikolai signed a manifesto that promised: “1. To bestow to the population the unshakable foundations of civil liberty on the basis of the actual inviolability of the individual, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and unions. ” On April 23, 1906, the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire were approved.

Three weeks after the manifesto, the government granted amnesty to political prisoners other than those convicted of terrorism, and a month later it abolished preliminary censorship.

From a letter from Nicholas II to the Dowager Empress Maria Fedorovna on October 27:

The people were outraged by the arrogance and audacity of the revolutionaries and socialists ... hence the Jewish pogroms. It is amazing how unanimous this happened at once in all the cities of Russia and Siberia. In England, of course, they write that these riots were organized by the police, as always - an old, familiar fable! .. Cases in Tomsk, Simferopol, Tver and Odessa clearly showed what a raging crowd could get to when they surrounded houses in which the revolutionaries locked themselves, and set fire to them, killing anyone who went out.

During the revolution, in 1906, Konstantin Balmont wrote the poem “Our Tsar” dedicated to Nicholas II, which turned out to be prophetic:

Our king is Mukden, our king is Tsushima,
  Our king is a bloody stain
  The stench of gunpowder and smoke
  In which the mind is dark. Our king is blind misery
  Prison and whip, trial, execution,
  The king is the gallows, twice as low
  What he promised, but did not dare to give. He is a coward, he feels with a hesitation,
  But it will be, an hour of reckoning awaits.
  Who began to reign - Khodynka,
  He will end - standing on the scaffold.

The Decade Between Two Revolutions

On August 18 (31), 1907, an agreement was signed with Great Britain on the delimitation of spheres of influence in China, Afghanistan and Iran. This was an important step in the formation of the Entente. On June 17, 1910, after lengthy disputes, a law was passed restricting the rights of the Sejm of the Grand Duchy of Finland (see Russification of Finland). In 1912, Mongolia became the actual protectorate of Russia, which gained independence from China as a result of the revolution that took place there.

Nicholas II and P.A. Stolypin

The first two State Duma were unable to conduct regular legislative work - the contradictions between the deputies on the one hand, and the Duma with the emperor on the other - were insurmountable. So, immediately after the opening, in a reply to the throne speech of Nicholas II, the Duma members demanded the liquidation of the State Council (upper house of parliament), the transfer to the peasants of specific (private possessions of the Romanovs), monastery and state lands.

Military reform

Diary of Emperor Nicholas II for the years 1912-1913.

Nicholas II and the church

The beginning of the 20th century was marked by the reform movement, during which the church sought to restore the canonical cathedral structure, they even talked about convening a cathedral and establishing a patriarchate, and there were attempts to restore the autocephaly of the Georgian Church in a year.

Nicholas agreed with the idea of \u200b\u200bthe “All-Russian Church Council”, but changed his mind and wrote on March 31, at the report of the Holy Synod on the convocation of the council: “ I admit it is impossible to commit ..."And established the Special (pre-conciliar) presence in the city to resolve issues of church reform and the Pre-conciliar meeting in

An analysis of the most famous canonizations of that period - Seraphim of Sarovsky (), Patriarch Germogen (1913) and John Maximovich (-) allows us to trace the process of the growing and deepening crisis in relations between the church and the state. Under Nicholas II were canonized:

4 days after the abdication of Nicholas, the Synod published a message with the support of the Provisional Government.

The Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod, N. D. Zhevakhov, recalled:

Our King was one of the greatest ascetics of the Church of recent times, whose exploits were obscured only by his high rank of Monarch. Standing on the last step of the ladder of human glory, the Sovereign saw only heaven above him, to which his holy soul irresistibly strove ...

World War I

Along with the creation of special conferences, in 1915, the Military Industrial Committees began to arise - public organizations of the bourgeoisie, which were semi-oppositional in nature.

Emperor Nicholas II and the front commanders at a meeting of the General Headquarters.

After such severe defeats of the army, Nicholas II, not considering it possible for himself to stay away from military operations and considering it necessary to assume all responsibility for the army’s position in these difficult conditions, establish the necessary consent between the Headquarters and the governments, put an end to the disastrous isolation of power, At the head of the army, on August 23, 1915, he assumed the title of Supreme Commander-in-Chief from the government that runs the country. At the same time, some members of the government, high army command and public circles opposed this decision of the emperor.

Due to the constant relocation of Nicholas II from Stavka to St. Petersburg, as well as insufficient knowledge of command and control of the troops, the command of the Russian army was concentrated in the hands of his chief of staff, General M.V. Alekseev, and General V.I. Gurko, who replaced him at the end and beginning of 1917. The autumn draft of 1916 put 13 million people under arms, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million.

In 1916, Nicholas II replaced the four chairmen of the Council of Ministers (I. L. Goremykin, B. V. Shturmer, A. F. Trepov and Prince N. D. Golitsyn), four ministers of the interior (A. N. Khvostov, B V. Shturmer, A. A. Khvostov and A. D. Protopopov), three foreign ministers (S. D. Sazonov, B. V. Shturmer and Pokrovsky, N. N. Pokrovsky), two military ministers (A. A. Polivanov, D. S. Shuvaev) and three ministers of justice (A. A. Khvostov, A. A. Makarov and N. A. Dobrovolsky).

Sounding the world

Nicholas II, hoping to improve the situation in the country if the spring offensive of 1917 was successful (as agreed at the Petrograd Conference), did not intend to conclude a separate peace with the enemy - in the victorious end of the war he saw the most important means of strengthening the throne. Hints that Russia could start negotiations on a separate peace were a normal diplomatic game, forced the Entente to recognize the need to establish Russian control over the Mediterranean straits.

February Revolution of 1917

The war struck a system of economic ties - primarily between the city and the village. Famine began in the country. Power was discredited by a chain of scandals such as the intrigues of Rasputin and his entourage, as they were called “dark forces” then. But it was not the war that raised the agrarian question in Russia, the most acute social contradictions, and conflicts between the bourgeoisie and tsarism and inside the ruling camp. Nikolai’s adherence to the idea of \u200b\u200bunlimited autocratic power extremely narrowed the possibility of social maneuvering, knocked out the support of Nikolai’s power.

After the stabilization of the situation on the front in the summer of 1916, the Duma opposition, in alliance with the conspirators among the generals, decided to take advantage of the situation to overthrow Nicholas II and replace him with another tsar. The cadet leader P.N. Milyukov subsequently wrote in December 1917:

From February, it was clear that the abdication of Nicholas could take place from day to day, the date was called February 12-13, it was said that there was a “great act” - the abdication of the emperor from the throne in favor of the heir to Tsarevich Alexei Nikolaevich, that the regent would be Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich.

On February 23, 1917, a strike began in Petrograd, after 3 days it became universal. On the morning of February 27, 1917, there was an uprising of soldiers in Petrograd and their connection with strikers. The same uprising took place in Moscow. The Queen, who did not understand what was happening, wrote reassuring letters on February 25

The lines and strikes in the city are more than provocative ... This is a “hooligan” movement, boys and girls run with screaming to incite them that they have no bread, and the workers do not let others work. It would be very cold, they probably would have stayed at home. But all this will pass and calm down, if only the Duma will behave decently

On February 25, 1917, the manifesto of Nicholas II stopped the sessions of the State Duma, which further heated up the situation. Chairman of the State Duma M.V. Rodzianko sent a series of telegrams to Emperor Nicholas II about the events in Petrograd. This telegram was received at Headquarters on February 26, 1917, at 10 p.m. 40 min

I fully inform your Majesty that the unrest that began in Petrograd takes on a spontaneous character and menacing proportions. Their foundations are a lack of baked bread and a weak supply of flour, inspiring panic, but mainly a complete distrust of the authorities, unable to get the country out of a difficult situation.

The civil war began and flared up. ... There is no hope for the garrison troops. The reserve battalions of the guards regiments are in riot ... Command to cancel your highest decree to convene the legislative chambers again ... If the movement is transferred to the army ... the collapse of Russia, and with it the dynasty, is inevitable.

Renunciation, reference and execution

The abdication of the emperor Nicholas II. March 2, 1917 Typewriting. 35 x 22. In the lower right corner, with a pencil, the signature of Nicholas II: Nikolay; in the lower left corner in black ink on top of a pencil, an inscription in the hand of V. B. Fredericks: minister of the Imperial Court, Adjutant General Count Fredericks. ""

After the outbreak of unrest in the capital, in the morning of February 26, 1917, the Tsar ordered General S. S. Khabalov “to stop unrest unacceptable in the difficult time of war”. Having sent General N. I. Ivanov to Petrograd on February 27

to suppress the uprising, Nicholas II left for Tsarskoye Selo on the evening of February 28, but couldn’t pass and, having lost contact with the Stavka, arrived in Pskov on March 1, where the headquarters of the armies of the Northern Front, General N.V. Ruzsky, made a decision on the abdication in favor of his son during the regency of Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, on the evening of the same day he announced to the arrivals A.I. Guchkov and V.V. Shulgin the decision to renounce for his son. On March 2, at 23 hours and 40 minutes, he transmitted to the Guchkov Manifesto of renunciation, in which he wrote: “ We command our brother to rule the affairs of the state in complete and indestructible unity with representatives of the people».

The personal property of the Romanov family was looted.

After death

Glorification in the face of saints

Decision of the Bishops' Council of the Russian Orthodox Church of August 20, 2000: “Glorify the Tsar’s Family: Emperor Nicholas II, Empress Alexandra, Tsarevich Alexy, Grand Dukes Olga, Tatiana, Mary and Anastasia as martyrs in the host of the new Martyrs and Confessors of Russia.”

The act of canonization was perceived ambiguously by Russian society: opponents of canonization claim that the reckoning of Nicholas II as a saint is political in nature. .

Rehabilitation

Philatelic collection of Nicholas II

In some memoirs, there is evidence that Nicholas II "sinned with postage stamps," although this passion was not as strong as engaging in photography. On February 21, 1913, at the celebration in the Winter Palace in honor of the anniversary of the Romanov dynasty, the head of the Main Directorate of Posts and Telegraphs, the actual state adviser M.P. Sevastyanov presented to Nicholas II albums in saffian covers with trial proofs and essays of commemorative stamps issued to 300 anniversary of the Romanov dynasty. It was a collection of materials related to the preparation of the series, which was conducted for almost ten years - from to 1912. Nicholas II treasured this gift very much. It is known that this collection accompanied him among the most valuable heirlooms in exile, first in Tobolsk and then in Yekaterinburg, and was with him until his death.

After the death of the royal family, the most valuable part of the collection was stolen, and the remaining half was sold to a certain officer of the English army, located in Siberia as part of the Entente troops. He then took her to Riga. Here, this part of the collection was acquired by philatelist Georg Yeager, who in 1926 put it up for sale at auction in New York. In 1930, it was again auctioned in London - the famous collector of Russian stamps Goss became its owner. Obviously, it was Goss who pretty much replenished it, buying missing materials at auctions and from individuals. In the 1958 auction catalog, the Goss collection is described as "a magnificent and unique collection of samples, prints and essays ... from the collection of Nicholas II."

By order of Nicholas II in the city of Bobruisk, the Women's Alekseevskaya Gymnasium was founded, now the Slavic gymnasium

see also

• Family of Nicholas II

   fiction:

• E. Radzinsky. Nicholas II: life and death.
• R. Massy. Nikolai and Alexandra.

Artwork

Portrait of Emperor Nicholas II by Ernst Lipgart. 1896	Portrait of Nicholas II by Ilya Galkin. 1898.
Tsar on a gold five-ruble coin. 1899.	Diary of Emperor Nicholas II for 1895-1896

Nicholas II is an ambiguous personality, historians speak very negatively about his rule in Russia, most of those who know and analyze the personalities are inclined to believe that the last All-Russian Emperor was little interested in politics, did not keep up with the times, slowed down the country's development, was not a perspicacious ruler, did not he was able to catch the stream in time, did not keep his nose in the wind, and even when everything practically flew into tartarara, discontent was not only inflated, but the tops were indignant, even then Nicholas II, don’t see g make any valid conclusions. He did not believe that his removal from the government of the country was real; in fact, he was doomed to become the last autocrat in Russia. But the family man Nicholas II was excellent. He would be, for example, the Grand Duke, and not the emperor, not to delve into politics. Five children are not jokes, attention and efforts to educate them require considerable. Nicholas II loved his wife for many years, longed for separation from her, did not lose her physical and mental attraction even after long years of marriage.

I have collected many photographs of Nicholas II, his wife Alexandra Fedorovna (nee Princess Victoria Alice Elena Louise Beatrice of Hesse-Darmstadt, daughter of Ludwig IV), their children: daughters of Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia, son Alexei.

This family was very fond of taking pictures, and the frames were very beautiful, spiritualized, bright. Look at the attractive faces of the children of the last Russian emperor. These girls did not know marriage, never kissed lovers and could not know the joys and sorrows of love. And they died a martyr's death. Although they were not to blame for anything. In those days, many died. But this family was the most famous, most high-ranking and death still haunts anyone, a black page in the history of Russia, the brutal murder of the imperial family. Fate was destined for these beauties such: the girls were born in turbulent times. Many dream of being born in a palace with a golden spoon in their mouth: to be princesses, princes, kings, queens, kings and queens. But how often was it difficult for a person of blue blood to develop? They were lodged, killed, poisoned, strangled, and very often their own people, close to royal monarchs, were destroyed and occupied by the throne that was freed with its unlimited possibilities.

Alexander II was blown up by the Narodnaya Volya, Paul II was killed by the conspirators, Peter III died under mysterious circumstances, Ivan VI was also destroyed, the list of these unfortunates can go on for a very long time. Yes, and those who were not killed did not live long by today's standards, they would become ill, or they would undermine their health when they govern the country. And after all, it was not only in Russia that such a high mortality of royal persons was, there are countries where reigning personalities were even more dangerous. But all the same, everyone was always eager for the throne, and they pushed their children there at any cost. I wanted to, although not for long, to live well, beautifully, go down in history, take advantage of all the blessings, try on luxury, be able to command the lackeys, decide the fate of people and rule the country.

But Nicholas II never wanted to be emperor, but he understood that to be the ruler of the Russian Empire was his duty, his fate, especially since he was a fatalist in everything.

Today we will not talk about politics, we will just watch photos.

In this photo you see Nicholas II and his wife Alexander Fedorovna, so the couple dressed in a costume ball.

In this photo, Nicholas II is still very young, his antennae are still breaking through.

Nicholas II in childhood.

In this photo, Nicholas II with the long-awaited heir Alexei.

Nicholas II with his mother Maria Fedorovna.

In this photo, Nicholas II with his parents, sisters and brothers.

The future wife of Nicholas II, then Princess Victoria Alice Elena Louise Beatrice of Hesse-Darmstadt.

Nikolai 2 Alexandrovich (May 6, 1868 - July 17, 1918) - the last Russian emperor who ruled from 1894 to 1917, the eldest son of Alexander 3 and Maria Fedorovna, was an honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. In the Soviet historiographical tradition, he was assigned the epithet "Bloody". The life of Nicholas 2 and his reign are described in this article.

Briefly about the reign of Nicholas 2

In the years there was an active economic development of Russia. With this sovereign, the country lost in the Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905, which was one of the reasons for the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, in particular the adoption of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, according to which the creation of various political parties was allowed, and also formed The State Duma. According to the same manifesto, the agrarian one began to be implemented. In 1907, Russia became a member of the Entente and, in its composition, participated in the First World War. In August 1915, Nicholas 2 Romanov became supreme commander. During March 2, 1917, the sovereign abdicated. He and his whole family were shot. The Russian Orthodox Church canonized them in 2000.

Childhood, youth

When Nikolai Alexandrovich was 8 years old, his home education began. The program included a general education course lasting eight years. And then - a course of higher sciences lasting five years. It was based on a classical gymnasium program. But instead of Greek and Latin languages, the future king mastered botany, mineralogy, anatomy, zoology and physiology. The courses of Russian literature, history and foreign languages \u200b\u200bwere extended. In addition, the higher education program provided for the study of law, political economy and military affairs (strategy, jurisprudence, General Staff services, geography). Nikolay 2 was also involved in fencing, vaulting, music, and painting. Alexander 3 and his wife Maria Fedorovna themselves chose for the future tsar of mentors and teachers. Among them were military and statesmen, scientists: N. Kh. Bunge, K. P. Pobedonostsev, N. N. Obruchev, M. I. Dragomirov, N. K. Girs, A. R. Drenteln.

Carier start

From childhood, the future Emperor Nicholas 2 was interested in military affairs: he perfectly knew the traditions of the officer environment, the soldier did not shy, realizing himself as their patron mentor, easily endured the inconveniences of army life at camp maneuvers and gatherings.

Immediately after the birth of the future sovereign, they were recorded in several guards regiments and made commander of the 65th Moscow Infantry Regiment. At the age of five, Nicholas 2 (reign dates 1894-1917) was appointed commander of the Life Guards of the Reserve Infantry Regiment, and a little later, in 1875, the Erivan Regiment. The future sovereign received his first military rank (ensign) in December 1875, and in 1880 he was promoted to second lieutenant, and four years later - to be promoted to lieutenant.

Nikolai 2 entered the active military service in 1884, and since July 1887 he served in and reached the rank of staff captain. He becomes captain in 1891, and a year later - colonel.

The beginning of the reign

After a long illness, Alexander 1 died, and Nikolai 2 on the same day accepted the rule in Moscow, at the age of 26, on October 20, 1894.

During his ceremonial official coronation on May 18, 1896, dramatic events took place on the Khodynsky field. Mass riots occurred, thousands of people were killed and injured in a natural crowd.

The Khodynka field was not previously intended for festivities, since it was a training base for the troops, and therefore it was undeveloped. There was a ravine right next to the field, and it itself was covered with numerous pits. On the occasion of the celebration, pits and a ravine were covered with boards and covered with sand, and benches, booths and stalls were set up around the perimeter to distribute free vodka and products. When people, attracted by rumors about the distribution of money and gifts, rushed to the buildings, the floorings that covered the pits collapsed, and people fell, not having time to stand on their feet: a crowd was already running along them. The police, swept away by the wave, could do nothing. Only after reinforcements arrived did the crowd gradually disperse, leaving the bodies of mutilated and trampled people in the square.

The first years of the reign

In the first years of the reign of Nicholas 2, a general census of the country's population and monetary reform were carried out. Russia during the reign of this monarch became an agrarian-industrial state: railways were built, cities grew, industrial enterprises arose. The sovereign made decisions aimed at the social and economic modernization of Russia: the golden circulation of the ruble was introduced, several laws on insurance of workers, the agricultural reform of Stolypin was carried out, laws on religious tolerance and universal primary education were adopted.

Main events

The years of the reign of Nicholas 2 were marked by a sharp aggravation in the domestic political life of Russia, as well as by a difficult foreign policy situation (the events of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, the Revolution of 1905-1907 in our country, the First World War, and the February Revolution in 1917) .

The Russo-Japanese War, which began in 1904, although it did not cause much damage to the country, however, the sovereign's credibility was significantly shaken. After numerous failures and losses in 1905, the Tsushima battle ended in the devastating defeat of the Russian fleet.

The revolution of 1905-1907

January 9, 1905 the revolution began, this date is called Bloody Sunday. Government forces shot down a workers ’demonstration organized, as is commonly believed, by George the transit prison in St. Petersburg. The shootings killed more than a thousand demonstrators who participated in a peaceful march to the Winter Palace in order to submit a petition to the sovereign about the needs of workers.

After this uprising swept many other Russian cities. Armed performances were in the navy and in the army. So, on June 14, 1905, sailors took possession of the battleship "Potemkin", brought him to Odessa, where at that time there was a general strike. However, the sailors did not dare to land on the shore to support the workers. "Potemkin" went to Romania and surrendered to the authorities. Numerous speeches forced the king to sign the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, which granted civil liberties to residents.

Not being his reformer by nature, the king was forced to carry out reforms that did not correspond to his convictions. He believed that in Russia the time had not yet come for freedom of speech, constitution, universal suffrage. However, Nicholas 2 (whose photo is presented in the article) was forced to sign the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, as an active social movement for political transformation began.

Establishment of the State Duma

The imperial manifesto of 1906 established the State Duma. For the first time in Russian history, the emperor began to rule in the presence of a representative elected body from the population. That is, Russia is gradually becoming a constitutional monarchy. However, despite these changes, during the reign of Nicholas 2, the emperor still had enormous power: he issued laws in the form of decrees, appointed ministers and a prime minister accountable only to him, was the head of the court, army and patron of the Church, and determined foreign policy course of our country.

The first revolution of 1905-1907 showed the deep crisis that existed at that time in the Russian state.

Personality of Nicholas 2

From the point of view of contemporaries, his personality, main character traits, advantages and disadvantages were very ambiguous and sometimes provoked conflicting assessments. According to many of them, Nicholas 2 was characterized by such an important feature as weak-willed. However, there is plenty of evidence that the sovereign stubbornly sought to implement his ideas and undertakings, sometimes reaching stubbornness (only once, when signing the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, he was forced to submit to someone else's will).

In contrast to his father, Alexander 3, Nikolai 2 (see his photo below) did not create the impression of a strong personality. However, according to people close to him who knew him, he had exceptional composure, sometimes interpreted as indifference to the fate of people and the country (for example, with composure, affecting the sovereign’s surroundings, he met the news of the fall of Port Arthur and the defeat of the Russian army in World War I war).

Being engaged in state affairs, Tsar Nicholas 2 showed “extraordinary perseverance”, as well as attentiveness and accuracy (for example, he never had a personal secretary, and he put all the seals on letters with his own hand). Although in general the management of a huge power was still a “heavy burden” for him. According to contemporaries, Tsar Nicholas 2 had a tenacious memory, observation, in communication was an affable, modest and sensitive person. At the same time, he valued most of all his habits, peace, health, and especially the well-being of his own family.

Nicholas 2 and his family

The emperor was supported by his family. Alexandra Fedorovna was not just a wife for him, but also an adviser, a friend. Their wedding took place on November 14, 1894. The interests, ideas and habits of the spouses often did not coincide, largely due to cultural differences, because the empress was a German princess. However, this did not interfere with family consent. The spouses had five children: Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia and Alexei.

The drama of the royal family was caused by the ailment of Alexei, who suffered from hemophilia (blood clotting). It was this disease that caused the appearance in the royal house of Grigory Rasputin, famous for the gift of healing and foresight. He often helped Alexei cope with bouts of illness.

World War I

1914 was a turning point in the fate of Nicholas 2. It was at this time that the First World War began. The sovereign did not want this war, trying until the very last moment to avoid the bloody massacre. But on July 19 (August 1), 1914, Germany nevertheless decided to start a war with Russia.

In August 1915, marked by a series of military setbacks, Nicholas 2, whose history was already approaching the finale, took on the role of commander in chief of the Russian army. Previously, she was assigned to Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich (the Younger). Since then, the sovereign only occasionally came to the capital, spending most of his time in Mogilev, at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander.

The First World War intensified Russia's internal problems. The king and his entourage were considered the main culprit of the defeats and the protracted campaign. It was believed that the Russian government "breeds treason." The country's military command, led by the emperor, in early 1917 created a general offensive plan, according to which it was planned to end the confrontation by the summer of 1917.

The abdication of Nicholas 2

However, at the end of February of the same year, unrest began in Petrograd, which, due to the lack of strong opposition from the authorities, grew a few days later into mass political protests against the Tsar’s dynasty and the government. At first, Nicholas 2 planned with the help of force to achieve order in the capital, but, having understood the true scale of the protests, he abandoned this plan, fearing even more bloodshed that he might cause. Some of the senior officials, politicians and members of the sovereign's retinue convinced him that in order to suppress the unrest, a change of government was necessary, the abdication of Nicholas 2 from the throne.

After painful thoughts on March 2, 1917 in Pskov, while traveling on an imperial train, Nikolai 2 decided to sign the act of abdication, transferring the rule to his brother, Prince Mikhail Alexandrovich. However, he refused to accept the crown. The abdication of Nicholas 2, thus, signified the end of the dynasty.

The last months of life

Nicholas 2 and his family were arrested on March 9 of the same year. First, for five months they were under guard in Tsarskoye Selo, and in August 1917 they were sent to Tobolsk. Then, in April 1918, the Bolsheviks transported Nicholas and his family to Yekaterinburg. Here, on the night of July 17, 1918, in the center of the city, in the basement in which the prisoners were imprisoned, Emperor Nicholas 2, his five children, his wife, as well as several of the king’s close associates, including the Botkin family doctor and the servant, without any trial and the consequences were shot. A total of eleven people were killed.

In 2000, by the decision of the Church, Nikolai 2 Romanov, as well as his entire family, were canonized, and an Orthodox church was erected on the site of Ipatiev’s house.

On May 6, 1868, a happy event took place in the royal family: Emperor Alexander II had his first grandson! Guns fired, fireworks rattled, the highest mercies rained down. The father of the newborn was Tsarevich (heir to the throne) Alexander Alexandrovich, future emperor Alexander III, mother - Grand Duchess and Princess Tsesarevna Maria Fedorovna, nee Danish princess Dagmar. The baby was called Nikolai. He was destined to become the eighteenth and last emperor of the Romanov dynasty. Throughout his life, his mother remembered the prophecy she had heard while she was expecting her first child. It was said that the old clairvoyant predicted to her: "Your son will reign, everything will climb the mountain so that it can take wealth and great honor. Only it will not climb the mountain - it will fall from the peasant’s hand."

Little Nicky was a healthy and mischievous child, so members of the imperial family sometimes had to tear over the ears of a mischievous heir. Together with his brothers George and Michael and sisters Olga and Ksenia, he grew up in a strict, almost Spartan atmosphere. The father punished the mentors: "Teach well, do not make concessions, ask in all severity, do not encourage laziness in particular ... I repeat that I do not need porcelain. I need normal, healthy Russian children. Fight - please. But to the proof - the first whip "

They prepared for the role of the ruler Nicholas from childhood. He received a comprehensive education from the best teachers and specialists of his time. The future emperor took an eight-year general education course based on the classical gymnasium program, then a five-year higher education course at the Law Faculty of St. Petersburg University and the General Staff Academy. Nikolai was extremely diligent and received fundamental knowledge in political economy, jurisprudence and military sciences. He was also taught horseback riding, fencing, drawing, music. He was fluent in French, English, German (Danish knew worse), he wrote very well in Russian. He was a passionate lover of books and, after years, surprised his interlocutors with the breadth of his knowledge in the fields of literature, history and archeology. From an early age, Nikolai had a great interest in military affairs and was, as they say, a born officer. His military career began at the age of seven, when his father enlisted the heir in the Life Guards Volyn Regiment and awarded him the military rank of ensign. He later served in the Life Guards Preobrazhensky Regiment - the most prestigious division of the Imperial Guard. Having received the rank of colonel in 1892, Nikolai Alexandrovich remained in this rank until the end of his days.

From the age of 20, Nikolai was supposed to attend meetings of the State Council and the Committee of Ministers. And although these visits to the highest state bodies did not bring him particular pleasure, they significantly expanded the horizons of the future monarch. But he took to heart his appointment in 1893 as chairman of the Siberian Railway Committee, which was in charge of the construction of the longest railway in the world. Nicholas quickly got into the know and quite successfully coped with his role.

“The Tsarevich’s heir was very interested in this undertaking ...”, wrote S. Yu. Witte, then Minister of Railways, in his memoirs, “which, however, is not at all surprising, since Emperor Nicholas II is a man of undoubtedly a very quick mind and quick abilities; he quickly grasps everything and quickly understands everything. " Nicholas became Tsarevich in 1881, when his father ascended the throne under the name of Alexander III. This happened under tragic circumstances. 13-year-old Nicky saw his grandfather, the reformer Alexander II, mutilated by a terrorist bomb. Twice Nicholas himself was on the verge of death. For the first time - in 1888, when the rails parted near the Borki station under the weight of the royal train, and the cars crashed down a slope. Then the crowned family survived only by miracle. Another time, the Tsarevich was in danger of mortal danger during a round-the-world trip undertaken by him at the request of his father in 1890-1891. Having visited Greece, Egypt, India, China and other countries, Nikolai, accompanied by relatives and retinues, arrived in Japan.

Here, in the city of Father, on April 29, he was unexpectedly attacked by an insane policeman, who tried to cut him with a saber. But this time too, nothing happened: the saber only touched the head of the prince, without causing him serious harm. In a letter to his mother, Nikolai described this event as follows: “We drove in a gen rickshaw and turned into a narrow street with crowds on both sides. At that time I received a strong blow on the right side of my head, above my ear. I turned and saw the nasty face of a policeman who the second time I swung a saber ... I only shouted: “What, what do you want?” And I jumped through the gen-rickshaw to the pavement. ” The military escorting the tsesarevich hacked the assassinating police officer with checkers. The poet Apollo Maikov dedicated a poem to this incident, in which there were such lines:

Regal youth, twice saved!
  Twice of touched Russia has been revealed
  Divine Providence shield over you!

It seemed that Providence twice saved the future emperor from death only so that after 20 years he would hand the regicide along with the whole family.

The beginning of the reign

October 20, 1894 in Livadia (Crimea), Alexander III died, suffering from an ironic kidney disease. His death was a deep shock to the 26-year-old prince, now emperor Nicholas P. And it was not only that his son lost his beloved father. Later, Nicholas II admitted that the very idea of \u200b\u200bthe imperial burden, heavy and inevitable, terrified him. "For me, the worst happened, just that I was so afraid of life for a century," he wrote in his diary. Even three years after the accession, he told his mother that only the "holy example of his father" does not allow him to "lose heart when sometimes moments of despair come". Shortly before his death, realizing that his days were numbered, Alexander III decided to expedite the prince’s marriage: after all, according to tradition, the new emperor should be married. The bride of Nicholas was urgently summoned to Livadia - the German princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, the granddaughter of the English Queen Victoria. She received a blessing from the dying king, and on October 21 in the little Livadia church she was anointed, becoming the Orthodox Grand Duchess Alexandra Fedorovna.

A week after the funeral of Alexander III, a modest rite of marriage of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna took place. This happened on November 14, the birthday of the tsar’s mother, Empress Maria Fedorovna, when the Orthodox tradition allowed us to weaken strict mourning. Nicholas II waited for this marriage for several years, and now the great sorrow in his life was combined with great joy. In a letter to his brother George, he wrote: “I cannot thank God enough for the treasure that He sent me as a wife. I am immeasurably happy with my darling Alix ... But for that the Lord gave me a heavy cross ... "

The accession to the throne of the new sovereign stirred up a wave of hopes in society for liberalizing the life of the country. On January 17, 1395, Nicholas accepted in the Anichkov Palace the deputation of the nobility, figures of zemstvos and cities. The emperor was very worried, his voice was trembling, he kept looking into the folder with the text of the speech. But the words sounded in the hall were far from uncertainty: “I know that recently in some zemstvo assemblies voices of people have been heard, carried away by senseless dreams about the participation of representatives of the zemstvo in internal affairs. Let everyone know that I, devoting everything strength for the good of the people, I will protect the beginning of the autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as my unforgettable late parent guarded it. " Excitement, Nicholas lost his voice and uttered the last phrase very loudly, turning to a scream. Empress Alexandra Fedorovna still did not understand Russian well and, alarmed, asked the great princesses standing nearby: "What did he say?" “He explains to them that they are all idiots,” one of the august relatives said calmly to her. The society very quickly became aware of the incident, they said that in the present text of the speech “groundless dreams” was written, but the king could not read the words plainly. It was also said that the leader of the nobility of the Tver province Utkin, frightened by the cry of Nikolai, dropped a golden tray of bread and salt from his hands. "This was considered a bad omen for the coming reign. Four months later, magnificent coronation celebrations took place in Moscow. May 14, 1896 in the Assumption Kremlin Cathedral Nicholas II and his wife were married to the kingdom.

In these May holidays, the first great misfortune in the history of the last reign happened. It received the name - Khodynki. On the night of May 18, at least half a million people gathered on the Khodynsky field, where the exercises of the troops of the Moscow garrison usually took place. They expected a mass distribution of royal gifts, which seemed unusually rich. There was a rumor that they would give out money. In fact, the "coronation gift" consisted of a commemorative mug, a large gingerbread, sausage and polar cod. At dawn, a grand crush occurred, which eyewitnesses would later call the "doomsday." As a result, 1282 people were killed and several hundred were injured.

This event shocked the king. Many advised him to refuse a trip to the ball, which the French ambassador Count Montebello gave that evening. But the tsar knew that this trick was to demonstrate the strength of the political union between Russia and France. He did not want to offend the French allies. And although the crowned spouses did not stay at the ball for long, public opinion did not forgive them this step. The next day, the tsar and the queen attended a memorial service for the dead, visited the Old Catherine Hospital, where the wounded were. The emperor ordered to give out 1000 rubles for each family of the deceased, to establish a special shelter for orphaned children, and to take all the costs of the funeral into his account. But the people already called the king an indifferent, heartless man. In the illegal revolutionary press, Nicholas II received the nickname of Tsar Khodynsky. "

Grigory Rasputin

On November 1, 1905, Emperor Nicholas II wrote in his diary: "We met the man of God - Gregory of the Tobolsk province." That day, Nicholas II did not yet know that 12 years later many would associate the name of this man with the fall of the Russian autocracy, that the presence of this man at the court would be evidence of the political and moral degradation of the tsarist government.

Grigory Efimovich Rasputin was born in 1864 or 1865 (the exact date is unknown) in the village of Pokrovsky in the Tobolsk province. He came from a middle-class peasant family. It seemed that he was destined for the usual fate of a peasant from a remote village. Rasputin early in 15 years began to drink. After marriage at the age of 20, his drunkenness only intensified. At the same time, Rasputin began to steal, for which he was repeatedly beaten by fellow villagers. And when a criminal case was instituted against him in the Pokrovsky volost court, Grigory, without waiting for a denouement, went to the Perm province in the Verkhotursky monastery. With this three-month pilgrimage began a new period in the life of Rasputin. He returned home greatly changed: he stopped drinking and smoking, stopped eating meat. For several years, Rasputin, forgetting about his family and households, visited many monasteries, even reaching the holy Greek mountain Athos. In his native village, Rasputin began to preach in a chapel equipped by him. The newfound "old man taught his parishioners moral liberation and healing of the soul through the commission of the sin of adultery: you will not sin - you will not repent, you will not repent - you will not be saved. Such" services "ended, as a rule, with frank orgies.

The fame of the new preacher grew and grew stronger, and he willingly enjoyed the benefits of his fame. In 1904, he came to Petersburg, was introduced by Bishop Theophanes of Yamburg into aristocratic salons, where he successfully continued his sermons. The seeds of rasputinism fell into fertile soil. The Russian capital was in those years in a severe moral crisis. The mass became fascination with the other world, sexual promiscuity reached an extreme scale. In a very short time, Rasputin gained a lot of fans, from noble ladies and girls to ordinary prostitutes.

Many of them found an outlet for their emotions in "communication" with Rasputin, while others tried to solve financial problems with his help. But there were those who believed in the sanctity of the "elder." It was thanks to such his fans that Rasputin ended up at the court of the emperor.

Rasputin was far from the first among the "prophets", "righteous", "seers" and other crooks, who at various times appeared surrounded by Nikolai P. Even before him, the foretellers Papus and Philip, various holy fools and other dark personalities .

Why did the royal couple allow themselves to communicate with such people? Such moods were inherent in the empress, who from childhood was interested in everything unusual and mysterious. Over time, this character trait has further strengthened in her. Frequent childbirth, the intense expectation of the birth of the male heir to the throne, and then his serious illness brought Alexander Fedorovna to religious exaltation. The constant fear for the life of the patient with hemophilia (blood clotting) of her son forced her to seek protection in religion and even turn to outright charlatans.

It was on these feelings of the empress that Rasputin skillfully played. The remarkable hypnotic abilities of Rasputin helped him to strengthen at court, primarily as a healer. He has repeatedly managed to "speak" - blood to the heir, to relieve the empress's migraine. Very soon, Rasputin suggested to Alexandra Fedorovna, and through her, to Nicholas II that, while he was at court, nothing bad would happen to the imperial family. Moreover, in the first years of his communication with Rasputin, the tsar and tsarina did not hesitate to offer their loved ones to use the healing services of the "elder". A case is known when P. A. Stolypin, a few days after the explosion on Aptekarsky Island, discovered Rasputin praying at the bedside of his seriously wounded daughter. The empress herself recommended Rasputin's wife to Stolypin.

Rasputin was able to gain a foothold at court largely thanks to A.A. Vyrubova, the maid of honor of the Empress and her closest friend. At the Vyrubova cottage, located near the Tsarskoye Selo Alexander Palace, the Empress and Nicholas II met with Rasputin. The most devoted fan of Rasputin, Vyrubova served as a kind of connecting link between him and the royal family. Rasputin's proximity to the imperial family quickly became public, which subtly took advantage of the "old man." Rasputin refused to accept any money from the king and the queen. He more than made up for this “loss” in high-class salons, where he accepted gifts from aristocrats who sought closeness to the tsar, who defended their interests as bankers and industrialists and other greedy patrons of the supreme power. At the highest order, the Police Department assigned protection to Rasputin. However, since 1907, when the "elder" became more than a "preacher" and a "healer," external surveillance was established over him - surveillance. Diaries of observations of fillers impartially recorded Rasputin's pastime: revels in restaurants, going to a bath with women, trips to Gypsies, etc. Since 1910, reports began to appear in the newspapers about the rampant behavior of Rasputin. The scandalous fame of the "elder" has become rampant, compromising the royal family.

At the beginning of 1911 P. A. Stolypin and Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod S. M. Lukyanov presented a detailed report to Nicholas II, debunking the sanctity of the “elder” and painting on the basis of documents of his adventures. The tsar’s reaction was very harsh, but, having received help from the empress, Rasputin not only survived, but also strengthened his position. For the first time, a “friend” (the so-called Rasputin Aleksandra Fedorovna) had a direct impact on the appointment of a statesman: the opponent of the “elder” Lukyanov was dismissed, and B.K.Sabler, who was loyal to Rasputin, was appointed in his place. In March 1912, the attack on Rasputin was launched by the Chairman of the State Duma, M. V. Rodzianko. After talking with the mother of Nicholas II, Maria Fedorovna, he drew a terrible picture of the depravity of the tsar's close associate with documents in his hands at an audience with the emperor and emphasized the huge role that he played in the loss of his reputation by the supreme power. But neither Rodzianko's exhortations, nor the subsequent conversations of the tsar with his mother, his uncle, Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich, who was considered the guardian of traditions in the imperial family, nor the efforts of the sister of the Empress Grand Duchess Elizabeth Fedorovna did not shake the position of the “elder”. It was to this time that the phrase of Nicholas II relates: "Better one Rasputin than ten scandals a day." Sincerely loving his wife, Nicholas could no longer resist her influence and in relation to Rasputin invariably took the side of the empress. For the third time, Rasputin’s position at the court was shaken in June - August 1915 after a noisy revel in the Yar restaurant in Moscow, where, having drunk pretty much, the “holy elder” began to boast loudly about his exploits, telling dirty details about his many fans, not at the same time missing the royal family. As they later informed Comrade Minister of the Interior V.F. Dzhunkovsky, "Rasputin’s behavior took on the completely ugly nature of some kind of sexual psychopathy ...". It was about this scandal that Dzhunkovsky reported to Nikolai P. in detail. The emperor was extremely annoyed by the behavior of his “friend”, agreed with the general’s requests to send the “old man” to his homeland, but ... a few days later he wrote to the Minister of the Interior: “I insist on the immediate expulsion of General Dzhunkovsky” .

This was the last serious threat to the position of Rasputin at court. From this time until December 1916, the influence of Rasputin reached its zenith. Until now, Rasputin was only interested in church affairs. The case with Dzhunkovsky showed that civil authorities could be dangerous for the "holiness" of the tsarist "lampadon". From now on, Rasputin seeks to control the official government, and first of all, the key posts of the Ministers of the Interior and Justice.

The first victim of Rasputin was the supreme commander of the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. Once, it was the prince’s wife, with his direct participation, who introduced Rasputin to the palace. Having mastered the royal chambers, Rasputin managed to spoil the relationship of the tsar and the Grand Duke, becoming the worst enemy of the latter. After the outbreak of the war, when Nikolai Nikolaevich, who was popular among the troops, was appointed supreme commander, Rasputin set out to visit the Supreme Headquarters in Baranovichi. In response, he received a laconic telegram: "Come - I will hang!" Moreover, in the summer of 1915 Rasputin found himself “in a hot frying pan” when, on the direct advice of the Grand Duke, Nicholas II fired the four most reactionary ministers, including Sabler, who was replaced by the ardent and open enemy of Rasputin A. D. Samarin - Moscow provincial leader of the nobility.

Rasputin was able to impress the Empress that the stay of Nikolai Nikolaevich at the head of the army threatens the Tsar with a coup, after which the throne will be transferred to the Grand Duke respected by the military. The result was that Nicholas II himself took the post of supreme commander, and the grand duke was sent to a secondary Caucasian front.

Many domestic historians believe that this moment has become key in the crisis of supreme power. Far from St. Petersburg, the emperor finally lost control of the executive branch. Rasputin gained unlimited influence on the empress and got the opportunity to dictate the cadre policy of the autocracy.

Rasputin’s political tastes and preferences are shown by the appointment of A.N. Khvostov, the former Nizhny Novgorod governor, leader of the conservatives and monarchists in the State Duma, who has long been nicknamed the Nightingale the Robber, by his patronage. This enormous "man without detention centers," as he was called in the Duma, sought to ultimately take the highest official post - the chairman of the Council of Ministers. S.P. Beletsky became a friend (deputy) of Khvostov, known in the family circle as an exemplary family man, and among his acquaintances as the organizer of "Athenian evenings", erotic shows in the ancient Greek style.

Having become Minister, Khvostov carefully concealed Rasputin's involvement in his appointment. But the "old man", wanting to keep Khvostov in his hands, in every possible way advertised his role in his career. In response, Khvostov decided ... to kill Rasputin. However, Vyrubova became aware of his attempts. After a grand scandal, Tails was dismissed. The rest of the appointments, according to the will of Rasputin, were no less scandalous, especially two of them: B.V. Shturmer, completely incapable of any actions, simultaneously occupied the posts of Minister of the Interior and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and A.D. Protopopov, whose reactionary attitude time even overshadowed the sad fame of the "elder" himself, became deputy chairman. In many ways, these and other appointments to senior positions of random people upset the country's domestic economy, contributing directly or indirectly to the imminent fall of monarchical power.

Both the king and the empress were well aware of the "elder" lifestyle and the very specific flavor of his "holiness." But, in spite of everything, they continued to listen to the "friend". The fact is that Nicholas II, Alexandra Fedorovna, Vyrubova and Rasputin were a kind of circle of like-minded people. Rasputin never proposed candidates who did not completely suit the tsar and the queen. He never recommended anything without consulting Vyrubova, who gradually persuaded the queen, after which Rasputin spoke himself.

The tragedy of the moment was that the representative of the Romanov dynasty in power and his wife were worthy of such a favorite as Rasputin. Rasputin only illustrated the complete lack of logic in governing the country in recent pre-revolutionary years. "What is this, stupidity or treason?" - P.N. Milyukov asked after each phrase of his speech in the Duma on November 1, 1916. In fact, it was an elementary inability to rule. On the night of December 17, 1916, Rasputin was secretly killed by representatives of the Petersburg aristocracy, who hoped to rid the tsar of harmful influences and save the country from collapse. This murder became a kind of parody of the palace coups of the 18th century: the same solemn entourage, the same, albeit futile, mystery, the same kindness of conspirators. But nothing could change this step. The tsar’s policy remained the same, there were no improvements in the situation of the country. The Russian empire irresistibly moved towards its collapse.

"Master of the Russian land"

The royal "cross" was difficult for Nicholas P. The emperor never doubted that he had been placed at his highest post by Divine Providence in order to rule for the strengthening and prosperity of the state. From a young age, he was brought up in the belief that Russia and the autocracy are inseparable things. In the questionnaire of the first All-Russian population census in 1897, to the question about occupation, the emperor wrote: "Master of the Russian Land." He fully shared the point of view of the famous conservative Prince V.P. Meshchersky, who believed that "the end of the autocracy is the end of Russia."

Meanwhile, there was almost no "autocracy" in the appearance and character of the last sovereign. He never raised his voice, was polite with ministers and generals. Those who knew him spoke of him as a “kind”, “extremely well-mannered” and “charming person. One of the main reformers of this reign S. Yu. Witte (see the article“ Sergei Witte ”; wrote about what was hidden behind the charm and courtesy of the emperor: "... Emperor Nicholas II, having ascended the throne quite unexpectedly, representing himself as a kind person, far from stupid, but shallow, weak-willed, in the end a good person who did not inherit all the qualities of his mother and partly his ancestors (Paul) and very few qualities of the father, was not created "to be an emperor in general, but an unlimited emperor of such an empire as Russia, in particular. His main qualities are courtesy when he wanted this, cunning and complete lack of character and lack of will." General AA Mosolov, the head of the chancellery who knew the emperor well The Ministry of the imperial court, wrote that “Nicholas II was very shy by nature, partly did not like to argue out of fear that he might be proved wrong or convinced others of this ... The tsar was not only polite, but even helpful and las s with all those who came into contact with him. He never paid attention to the age, position or social status of the person with whom he spoke. For both the minister and the last valet, the tsar always had an even and polite treatment. "Nicolas II never distinguished himself by love of power and looked at power as a heavy duty. He carried out his" royal work "carefully and accurately, never allowing himself His contemporaries were surprised by the amazing self-control of Nicholas II, the ability to control himself under any circumstances, his philosophical calm, mainly related to the peculiarities of his worldview, to many seemed “terrible, tragic indifference.” God, Russia and the family were the most important life values \u200b\u200bof the last emperor.He was a deeply religious person, and this explains a lot in his fate as a ruler.From childhood, he strictly observed all Orthodox rites, knew church customs and traditions, faith filled the king’s life with deep content, freed from enslaving earthly circumstances, she helped to endure numerous upheavals and hardships. Over time, the crown-bearer became a fatalist who believed that everything was in the hands of the Lord and must submit to His holy will with humility. " Shortly before the fall of the monarchy, when the approach of denouement was felt by everyone, he remembered the fate of the biblical Job, whom God, desiring to experience, deprived children, health, wealth. Responding to complaints from relatives about the state of affairs in the country, Nicholas II said: "To the will of God. I was born on May 6, the day commemoration of the long-suffering Job. I am ready to accept my fate."

The second most important value in the life of the last tsar was Russia. From a young age, Nikolai Alexandrovich was convinced that imperial power was a blessing for the country. Shortly before the start of the revolution of 1905-1907. he said: "I will by no means agree to a representative form of government, for I consider it harmful to the people entrusted to me by God." The monarch, according to Nicholas, was a living embodiment of law, justice, order, supreme power and traditions. He perceived the departure from the principles of power he inherited as a betrayal of the interests of Russia, as an abuse of the sacred foundations bequeathed to his ancestors. "The autocratic power bequeathed to me by my ancestors, I must transfer safely to my son," - said Nikolai. He was always keenly interested in the past of the country, and in Russian history, his special sympathy was evoked by Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich, nicknamed the Quietest. The time of his reign was presented to Nicholas II as the golden age of Russia. The last emperor would gladly fail his reign so that he could be awarded the same nickname.

And yet, Nicholas was aware that the autocracy at the beginning of XX century. already different from the era of Alexei Mikhailovich. He could not ignore the demands of the times, but he was convinced that any sudden changes in the public life of Russia were fraught with unpredictable consequences, disastrous for the country. Thus, well aware of the dysfunction of the multimillion-dollar mass of the peasantry suffering from landlessness, he categorically objected to the forcible seizure of land from the landlords and defended the inviolability of the principle of private property. The king has always sought to ensure that innovations are implemented gradually, taking into account traditions and past experience. This explains his desire to provide reform to his ministers, while remaining in the shade himself. The emperor supported the policy of industrialization of the country pursued by the Minister of Finance S. Yu. Witte, although this course was hostilely encountered in various circles of society. The same thing happened with the program of agrarian reorganization of P. A. Stolypin: only relying on the will of the monarch allowed the prime minister to carry out the planned reforms.

The events of the first Russian revolution and the forced publication of the Manifesto on October 17, 1905 were perceived by Nikolai as a personal deep tragedy. The emperor knew about the upcoming procession of workers to the Winter Palace on January 3, 1905. He told his family that he wanted to go to the demonstrators and accept their petition, but the family opposed such a move with a united front, calling it "insanity." The tsar could easily be killed both by terrorists, who had fallen into the ranks of the workers, and by the crowd itself, whose actions were unpredictable. The soft, influenced Nikolai agreed and spent January 5 in Tsarskoye Selo near Petrograd. News from the capital terrified the sovereign. “It's a hard day!” He wrote in his diary. “There are serious riots in St. Petersburg ... The troops had to shoot, there were many dead and wounded in different places of the city. Lord, how painful and hard!”

By signing the Manifesto on the granting of civil liberties to subjects, Nicholas violated those political principles that he considered sacred. He felt betrayed. In his memoirs, S. Yu. Witte wrote about this: “The Tsar seemed completely calm throughout all the days of October. I don’t think he was afraid, but he was completely at a loss, otherwise with his political tastes, of course, he wouldn’t go "I think that the sovereign in those days was looking for support in power, but did not find any of the fans of power - everyone got scared." When Prime Minister P. A. Stolypin in 1907 informed the emperor that “the revolution has been suppressed altogether,” he heard a stunned reply: “I don’t understand what revolution you are talking about. We, however, had riots, but this not a revolution ... And riots, I think, would not have been possible if the people in power were more energetic and bolder. " These words Nicholas II with full justification could be attributed to himself.

Neither in reforms, nor in military leadership, nor in suppressing unrest, the emperor took full responsibility.

Royal family

The family of the emperor reigned an atmosphere of harmony, love and peace. Here Nikolai always rested in his soul and drew strength for the performance of his duties. On April 8, 1915, on the eve of the next anniversary of the engagement, Alexandra Fedorovna wrote to her husband: “Dear, how many difficult trials we have experienced over all these years, but it has always been warm and sunny in our native nest.”

Having lived a life full of upheavals, Nicholas II and his wife Alexandra Fedorovna retained a lovingly enthusiastic attitude towards each other. Their honeymoon lasted more than 23 years. At that time, few people knew about the depth of this feeling. Only in the mid-1920s, when three voluminous volumes of correspondence between the tsar and the tsarina (about 700 letters) were published in Russia, did the astounding story of their boundless and all-consuming love for each other open. 20 years after the wedding, Nicholas wrote in his diary: "I can’t believe that today is the twentieth anniversary of our wedding. The Lord blessed us with rare family happiness; if only we could manage to prove worthy of His great mercy for the rest of our life."

Five children were born in the royal family: the Grand Duchesses Olga, Tatyana, Maria, Anastasia and Tsarevich Alexey. Daughters were born one after another. In the hope of the appearance of an heir, the imperial couple began to get involved in religion, and initiated the canonization of Seraphim of Sarov. Piety added to interest in spiritualism and the occult. At the court, various soothsayers and holy fools began to appear. Finally, in July 1904, the son of Alexei was born. But parental joy was overshadowed - the child discovered an incurable hereditary disease hemophilia.

Pierre Gilliard, a teacher of the royal daughters, recalled: "What was best for these four sisters was their simplicity, naturalness, sincerity and unaccountable kindness." Characteristic is the entry in the diary of the priest Athanasius Belyaev, who on Easter days in 1917 had a chance to confess the arrested members of the royal family. “God grant that all children be morally as tall as the children of the ex-boyfriend. Such kindness, humility, submission to the will of God, unconditional devotion to the will of God, purity in thoughts and complete ignorance of earthly dirt, passionate and sinful, amazed me” - he wrote.

Heir to the throne, Tsarevich Alexey

“An unforgettable great day for us, on which the grace of God so clearly visited us. At 12 in the afternoon, Alix had a son, who was called Alexei during prayer.” This is how Emperor Nicholas II wrote in his diary on July 30, 1904.

Alex was the fifth child of Nicholas II and Alexandra Fedorovna. Not only the Romanov family, but the whole of Russia, was waiting for his birth for many years, because the importance of this boy for the country was enormous. Alexei became the first (and only) son of the emperor, which means - the Heir to the Cesarevich, as the heir to the throne in Russia was officially called. His appearance on the world determined who, in the event of the death of Nicholas II, would have to lead a huge power. After Nicholas ascended the throne, the heir was declared Grand Duke George Alexandrovich, brother of the king. When George Alexandrovich died of tuberculosis in 1899, the tsar’s younger brother, Mikhail, became the heir. And now, after the birth of Alexei, it became clear that the direct line of inheritance of the Russian throne would not be suppressed.

From birth, this boy’s life was subordinated to one thing - the future reign. Parents even gave the name to the heir with a meaning - in memory of the idol Nicholas II, the "quietest" Tsar Alexei Mikhailovich. Immediately after birth, little Alex was included in the lists of twelve guards military units. By the time of coming of age, the heir should have already had a sufficiently high military rank and be listed as the commander of one of the battalions of a guards regiment - in accordance with tradition, the Russian emperor must have been a military man. The newborn was also entitled to all other grand ducal privileges: own lands, efficient staff of attendants, financial support, etc.

At first, nothing foreshadowed troubles for Alexei and his parents. But once, already three-year-old Alexei fell on a walk and severely bruised his leg. The usual bruise, which many children do not pay attention to, has grown to menacing proportions, the heir has sharply increased temperature. The verdict of the doctors who examined the boy was scary: Alexei was sick with a serious disease - hemophilia. Hemophilia, a disease in which there is no blood coagulation, threatened the heir to the Russian throne with grave consequences. Now every bruise or cut could be fatal for a child. Moreover, it was well known that the life expectancy of patients with hemophilia is extremely small.

From now on, the entire routine of the heir’s life was subordinated to one main goal - to protect him from the slightest danger. A lively and agile boy, Alexey was now forced to forget about active games. The uncle, the sailor Derevenko from the imperial yacht Standart, was inseparably with him while walking. Nevertheless, new attacks of the disease could not be avoided. One of the most serious seizures of the disease happened in the autumn of 1912. During a boat trip, Alexei, wanting to jump ashore, accidentally hit the side. A few days later he was no longer able to walk: the sailor assigned to him carried him in his arms. The hemorrhage turned into a huge tumor that captured half of the boy’s leg. The temperature rose sharply, reaching on some days almost 40 degrees. The largest Russian doctors of that time, professors Raukhfus and Fedorov, were urgently called to the patient. However, they could not achieve a radical improvement in the health of the child. The situation was so threatening that it was decided to start publishing in the press official bulletins on the health of the heir. Severe Alexey’s illness continued during the fall and winter, and only by the summer of 1913 could he again walk on his own.

Alexei was obliged to his mother by his grave illness. Hemophilia is a hereditary disease that affects only men, but it is transmitted through the female line. Alexandra Fedorovna inherited a serious illness from her grandmother - the Queen of England Victoria, whose wide kinship led to the fact that in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century hemophilia was called the disease of kings. A serious illness suffered many of the descendants of the famous English queen. So, the brother of Alexandra Fedorovna died from hemophilia.

Now the disease has struck the only heir to the Russian throne. However, despite a serious illness, Alexei was prepared for the fact that he would one day have to ascend to the Russian throne. Like all his closest relatives, the boy received a home education. The Swiss Pierre Gilliard, who taught the boy languages, was invited to his teacher. Famous Russian scientists of that time were preparing to teach the heir. But illness and war prevented Alexei from studying normally. With the outbreak of hostilities, the boy often visited the army with his father, and after Nicholas II took over the high command, he was often with him at Headquarters. The February Revolution found Alexei with his mother and sisters in Tsarskoye Selo. He was arrested with his family, and with her he was sent to the east of the country. Together with all his relatives, he was killed by the Bolsheviks in Yekaterinburg.

Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich

At the end of the 19th century, by the beginning of the reign of Nicholas II, the Romanov family had about two dozen members. Grand dukes and princesses, uncles and aunts of the king, his brothers and sisters, nephews and nieces - all of them were quite noticeable figures in the life of the country. Many of the Grand Dukes held important public positions, participated in the command of the army and navy, the activities of state institutions and scientific organizations. Some of them had a significant influence on the king, allowing themselves, especially in the early years of the reign of Nicholas II, to intervene in his affairs. However, most of the great princes had a reputation as incompetent leaders, unsuitable for serious work.

However, there was one among the great princes who had a popularity almost equal to that of the king himself. This is the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich, the grandson of Emperor Nicholas I, the son of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevich - the eldest, who commanded the Russian troops during the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878.

Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich Jr. was born in 1856. He studied at the Nikolaev Military Engineering School, and in 1876 he graduated from the Nikolaev Military Academy with a silver medal, and his name was on the marble plaque of honor of this prestigious military educational institution. The Grand Duke also participated in the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-78.

In 1895, Nikolai Nikolaevich was appointed inspector general of the cavalry, in fact becoming the commander of all cavalry units. At this time, Nikolai Nikolayevich gained considerable popularity among the guard officers. Tall (his height was 195 cm), smart, energetic, with a noble gray hair on his temples, the Grand Duke was the external embodiment of the ideal of an officer. And the energy of the Grand Duke, beating over the edge, only contributed to an increase in its popularity.

Nikolai Nikolaevich is known for his integrity and severity not only in relation to soldiers, but also to officers. Going around inspecting the troops, he sought their excellent training, mercilessly punished negligent officers, seeking them to pay attention to the needs of soldiers. This he became famous among the lower ranks, quickly gaining popularity in the army no less than the popularity of the king himself. The owner of a manly appearance and loud voice, Nikolai Nikolaevich personified the power of imperial power for soldiers.

After military setbacks during the Russo-Japanese War, the Grand Duke was appointed commander in chief of the Guard and the St. Petersburg Military District. He very quickly managed to extinguish the fire of discontent in the guards of the incompetent leadership of the army. Largely thanks to Nikolai Nikolayevich, the troops of the Guard, without hesitation, dealt with the uprising in Moscow in December 1905. During the revolution of 1905, the influence of the Grand Duke grew tremendously. Commanding the metropolitan military district and the guard, he became one of the key figures in the fight against the revolutionary movement. The situation in the capital, and, therefore, the ability of the state apparatus of the empire to rule a huge country depended on its decisiveness. Nikolai Nikolayevich used all his influence in order to convince the tsar to sign the famous manifesto on October 17. When the then Chairman of the Council of Ministers S.Yu. Witte provided the tsar with a signed draft manifesto for signature, Nikolai Nikolayevich never left the emperor for a step until the manifesto was signed. The Grand Duke, according to some courtiers, even threatened the Tsar to shoot himself in his chambers if he did not sign a document saving for the monarchy. And although this information can hardly be considered true, such an act would be quite characteristic of the Grand Duke.

Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich and in subsequent years remained one of the main leaders of the Russian army. In 1905-1908 he presided over the Council of State Defense, which was involved in the planning of combat training of the troops. His influence on the emperor was just as great, although after signing the manifesto on October 17, Nicholas II treated his cousin uncle without the tenderness that had been characteristic of their relationship before.

In 1912, Minister of War V.A. Sukhomlinov, one of those whom the Grand Duke could not stand, prepared a great war game - staff maneuvers in which all commanders of military districts were to take part. The king himself was to lead the game. Nikolai Nikolaevich, who hated Sukhomlinov, talked with the emperor half an hour before the maneuvers, and ... the war game, which was being prepared for several months, was canceled. The Minister of War had to resign, which, however, the king did not accept.

When the First World War began, Nicholas II had no doubts about the candidacy of the Supreme Commander. They were appointed Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. The Grand Duke did not have special military talents, but it was thanks to him that the Russian army with honor came out of the hardest trials of the first year of the war. Nikolai Nikolaevich was able to correctly select his officers. The Supreme Commander assembled at the headquarters competent and experienced generals. He was able, having listened to them, to make the most correct decision, for which he alone now had to bear responsibility. True, Nikolai Nikolayevich did not spend long at the head of the Russian army: a year later, on August 23, 1915, Nicholas II took over the high command, and "Nikolasha" was appointed commander of the Caucasian Front. By removing Nikolai Nikolaevich from command of the army, the tsar sought to get rid of a relative who had gained unprecedented popularity. In the Petrograd salons it was said that “Nikolasha” could replace the not-so-popular nephew on the throne.

A.I. Guchkov recalled that many politicians at that time believed that it was Nikolai Nikolayevich who, by his authority, was able to prevent the collapse of the monarchy in Russia. Political gossipers called Nikolai Nikolayevich a possible successor to Nicholas II in the event of his voluntary or forcible removal from power.

Be that as it may, but Nikolai Nikolaevich established himself in these years both as a successful commander and as a smart politician. The troops of the Caucasian Front led by him successfully attacked in Turkey, and the rumors associated with his name remained rumors: the Grand Duke did not miss a chance to assure the king of his allegiance.

When the monarchy in Russia was overthrown, and Nicholas II abdicated the throne, it was Nikolai Nikolayevich that the Provisional Government appointed the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. True, he stayed with them only a few weeks, after which he was again removed from command due to belonging to the imperial family.

Nikolai Nikolaevich left for Crimea, where, together with some other representatives of the Romanov surname, he settled in Dulber. As it turned out later, leaving Petrograd saved their lives. When the Civil War began in Russia, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich found himself in the territory occupied by the White Army. Remembering the great popularity of the Grand Duke, General A.I. Denikin turned to him with a proposal to lead the fight against the Bolsheviks, but Nikolai Nikolaevich refused to participate in the Civil War and in 1919 left the Crimea, leaving for France. He settled in the south of France, and in 1923 he moved to the place of Chuany near Paris. In December 1924 he received from Baron P.N. Wrangel leadership of all foreign Russian military organizations that, with his participation, were merged into the Russian All-Military Union (ROVS). In the same years, Nikolai Nikolaevich fought with his nephew, Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich for the right to be the locum tenens of the Russian throne.

The Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich died in 1929.

On the eve of the great shocks

The decisive role in the fate of the country and the monarchy was played by the First World War, in which Russia spoke on the side of England and France against the Austro-German bloc. Nicholas II did not want Russia's entry into the war. Russian Foreign Minister S. D. Sazonov later recalled his conversation with the emperor on the eve of the announcement of mobilization in the country: “The Tsar was silent. Then he told me in a voice in which there was a deep emotion:“ This means dooming hundreds of thousands of Russian people to death. How not to stop before such a decision? ".

The outbreak of war caused an upsurge of patriotic feelings, uniting representatives of various social forces. This time was a kind of finest hour of the last emperor, who turned into a symbol of hope for a speedy and complete victory. On July 20, 1914, on the day of the declaration of war, crowds of people with portraits of the tsar poured onto the streets of Petersburg. A deputation of the Duma came to the emperor with an expression of support at the Winter Palace. One of her representatives, Vasily Shulgin, told about this event: “Sovereign so constrained that he could reach out to the front rows, this was the sovereign. This was the only time I saw excitement on his enlightened face. And was it possible not to worry ? What did this crowd shout not at young men, but at older people? They shouted: "Lead us, sovereign!"

But the first successes of Russian weapons in East Prussia and Galicia were fragile. In the summer of 1915, under the powerful onslaught of the enemy, Russian troops left Poland, Lithuania, Volyn, and Galicia. The war gradually acquired a protracted character, and was far from over. Upon learning of the capture of Warsaw by the enemy, the emperor exclaimed with anger: "This cannot continue, I can’t all sit here and watch how my army is routed; I see mistakes - and I must be silent!" Wanting to raise the morale of the army, Nicholas II in August 1915 took over the duties of the Commander-in-Chief, replacing Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich at this post. As S. D. Sazonov recalled, "in Tsarskoye Selo expressed mystical confidence that the mere appearance of the Tsar at the head of the troops was to change the state of affairs at the front." He spent most of his time now at the Headquarters of the High Command in Mogilev. Time worked against the Romanovs. The protracted war exacerbated old problems and constantly gave rise to new ones. Failures at the front caused discontent erupted in the critical speeches of newspapers, in the speeches of deputies of the State Duma. An unfavorable course of affairs was associated with poor leadership of the country. Once, while talking with the chairman of the Duma, M. V. Rodzianko, about the situation in Russia, Nikolai almost groaned: "Have I really tried for twenty-two years to make everything better, and twenty-two years have been mistaken ?!”

In August 1915, several Duma and other public groups united in the so-called "Progressive Bloc", the center of which was the Cadet Party. Their most important political demand was the creation of a ministry responsible to the Duma - the “cabinet of trust”. Moreover, it was assumed that the leading posts in it would be occupied by people from the Duma circles and the leadership of a number of socio-political organizations. For Nicholas II, this step would mark the beginning of the end of the autocracy. On the other hand, the tsar understood the inevitability of serious reforms of public administration, but considered them impossible to carry out in conditions of war. In society, deaf fermentation intensified. Some confidently said that “treason” was nesting in the government, and that high-ranking officials were collaborating with the enemy. Among these "agents of Germany," they often called Tsarina Alexandra Fedorovna. No evidence has ever been given in favor of this. But public opinion did not need evidence and once and for all delivered its merciless verdict, which played a large role in the growth of anti-Romanov sentiments. These rumors penetrated the front, where millions of soldiers, mainly former peasants, suffered and died for goals that were only known to their superiors. Talk about the betrayal of the highest dignitaries here aroused indignation and hostility to all the "metropolitan well-fed whacks." This hatred was skillfully fueled by left-wing political groups, primarily the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, who advocated the overthrow of the "Romanov clique."

Abdication

By the beginning of 1917, the situation in the country had become extremely tense. In late February, unrest began in Petrograd, caused by interruptions in the supply of food to the capital. These riots, not meeting with serious opposition from the authorities, a few days later grew into mass protests against the government, against the dynasty. The king learned about these events in Mogilev. “Unrest began in Petrograd,” the tsar wrote in his diary on February 27, “unfortunately, the troops began to take part in them. The disgusting feeling of being so far away and receiving fragmentary bad news!” Initially, the tsar wanted with the help of troops to restore order in Petrograd, but could not get to the capital. On March 1, he wrote in his diary: "Shame and shame! They could not get to Tsarskoye. But thoughts and feelings are always there!"

Some senior military officials, members of the imperial retinue and representatives of public organizations convinced the emperor that to appease the country, a change of government was required, and his abdication was required. After much thought and hesitation, Nicholas II decided to abandon the throne. The choice of a successor was also difficult for the emperor. He asked his doctor to openly answer the question of whether Tsarevich Alexei could be cured of a congenital blood disease. The doctor just shook his head - the boy’s illness was fatal. "Already if God so decided, I will not part her with my poor child," said Nikolai. He denied power. Nikolai II sent a telegram to the Chairman of the State Duma, M. V. Rodzianko: “There is no sacrifice that I would not make in the name of a real good and for the salvation of my mother Russia. Therefore, I am ready to abdicate in favor of my son so that remained with me until adulthood, under the regency of my brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. " Then the king’s brother Mikhail Alexandrovich was elected heir to the throne. On March 2, 1917, on the way to Petrograd at the small station Dno near Pskov, in the saloon of the imperial train, Nicholas II signed the act of abdication. In his diary that day, the former emperor wrote: "Around treason, and cowardice, and deceit!".

In the text of the abdication, Nikolai wrote: “In the days of the great struggle with the external enemy, who sought to enslave our homeland for almost three years. The Lord God was pleased to send Russia a new ordeal. The outbreak of internal unrest threatens to adversely affect the further conduct of a stubborn war ... In these decisive days in the life of Russia We considered it a duty of conscience to lighten our people close unity and rallying of all the forces of the people for the speedy achievement of victory, and in agreement with the State Duma we recognized for the good to abdicate the throne Russian state and lay down the supreme power ... "

Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, under pressure from the Duma deputies, refused to accept the imperial crown. At 10 a.m. on March 3, the Provisional Committee of the Duma and the members of the newly formed Provisional Government went to Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich. The meeting took place in the apartment of Prince Putyatin on Millionnaya Street and lasted until two in the afternoon. Of those present, only Foreign Minister P.N. Milyukov and Minister of War and Naval A.I. Guchkov persuaded Mikhail to take the throne. Miliukov recalled that when, upon arrival in Petrograd, he “went straight to the railway workshops, announced the workers about Mikhail,” he “barely escaped beating or killing”. Despite the rejection of the monarchy by the rebellious people, the leaders of the Cadets and the Octobrists tried to convince the Grand Duke to assume the crown, seeing in Michael the guarantee of the continuity of power. The Grand Duke met Miliukov with a playful remark: “Well, it’s good to be in the position of the English king. It’s very easy and convenient! Huh?” To which he quite seriously answered: "Yes, Your Highness, very calmly rule, observing the constitution." Miliukov thus conveyed in his memoirs his speech addressed to Mikhail: “I argued that in order to strengthen the new order strong power is needed and that it can only be that way when it rests on the symbol of power that is familiar to the masses. The monarchy serves as such a symbol. One Temporary the government, without relying on this symbol, simply will not live to see the opening of the Constituent Assembly. It will turn out to be a fragile boat that will sink in the ocean of popular unrest. The country is threatened with the loss of any consciousness of statehood and complete anarchy. "

However, Rodzianko, Kerensky, Shulgin and other members of the delegation already realized that Mikhail could not succeed in a quiet reign like the British monarch and that, given the excitement of workers and soldiers, he was unlikely to take power. Mikhail himself was convinced of this. His manifesto, prepared by a member of the Duma, Vasily Alekseevich Maksakov and professors Vladimir Dmitrievich Nabokov (father of the famous writer) and Boris Nolde, read: “Inspired by the common idea with all the people that the highest is the good of our homeland, I made a firm decision to accept only The supreme authority, if such is the will of our great people, which is to be popularly elected through their representatives in the Constituent Assembly to establish a form of government and new fundamental laws of the State of R ssiyskogo. " Interestingly, before the publication of the manifesto, a dispute arose that lasted as long as six hours. Its essence was as follows. Cadets Nabokov and Milyukov with foam at the mouth argued that it was necessary to call Mikhail the emperor, because until the abdication he seemed to reign for a day. They tried to maintain at least a weak lead for the possible restoration of the monarchy in the future. However, the majority of the members of the Provisional Government finally came to the conclusion that Mikhail, as he was, remained only the Grand Duke, since he refused to accept power.

The death of the royal family

The Provisional Government, which came to power, arrested the tsar and his family on March 7 (20), 1917. The arrest served as a signal for the flight of the court’s minister, V. B. Fredericks, the palace commandant V.N. Voeikova, some other courtiers. “These people were the first to abandon the tsar in a difficult moment. That's how the sovereign did not know how to choose relatives,” wrote M.V. Rodzianko. V.A. agreed to voluntarily share the opinion. Dolgorukov, P.K. Benckendorf, maids of honor S.K. Buxgevden and A.V. Gendrikova, doctors E.S. Botkin and V.N. The village, teachers P. Gilliard and S. Gibbs. Most of them shared the tragic fate of the royal family.

The deputies of the city councils of Moscow and Petrograd demanded the trial of the former emperor. The head of the Provisional Government, A.F. Kerensky, answered this: "Until now, the Russian revolution has been going on without blood, and I will not allow it to be marred ... The tsar and his family will be sent abroad to England." However, England refused to accept the family of the deposed emperor until the end of the war. For five months, Nikolai and his relatives were kept under strict supervision in one of the palaces in Tsarskoye Selo. Here, on March 21, a meeting of the former sovereign and Kerensky took place. “A disarmingly charming person,” wrote the leader of the February Revolution. After the meeting, he was surprised to say to those accompanying him: "But Nicholas II is far from stupid despite what we thought of him." Many years later, in his memoirs, Kerensky wrote about Nikolai: “Going into private life brought him nothing but relief. Old Mrs. Naryshkina conveyed his words to me:“ It’s good that you no longer need to attend these tedious receptions and sign these endless documents . I will read, walk and spend time with the children. "

However, the former emperor was too politically significant a figure to be allowed to calmly "read, walk and spend time with children." Soon the imperial family was sent under guard to the Siberian city of Tobolsk. A.F. Kerensky later excused himself that from there the family was expected to be transported to the United States. Nicholas reacted indifferently to the change of location. The king read a lot, participated in productions of amateur performances, was engaged in the education of children.

Having learned about the October coup, Nikolai wrote in his diary: “It’s sick to read the newspaper description of what happened in Petrograd and Moscow! It’s much worse and more shameful than the events of the Time of Troubles!” Particularly painful, Nicholas reacted to the message of a truce, and then about peace with Germany. In early 1918, Nicholas was forced to remove the shoulder straps of the colonel (his last military rank), which he perceived as a heavy insult. The usual convoy was replaced by the Red Guards.

After the victory of the Bolsheviks in October 1917, the fate of the Romanovs was a foregone conclusion. They spent the last three months of their lives in the capital of the Urals, the city of Yekaterinburg. Here the exiled sovereign was settled in the mansion of engineer Ipatiev. The owner of the house on the eve of the arrival of the supervised was evicted, the house is surrounded by a double plank fence. The conditions in this "special purpose house" were much worse than in Tobolsk. But Nikolai behaved courageously. His hardness was transmitted and domestic. The daughters of the king learned to wash clothes, cook, bake bread. The Ural worker A.D. was appointed commandant of the house. Avdeev, but because of his compassion for the tsar’s family, he was soon removed, and the Bolshevik Yakov Yurovsky became commandant. “We like this type less and less ...” - Nikolay wrote in his diary.

The Civil War pushed aside the plan of the trial of the tsar, which was originally hatched by the Bolsheviks. On the eve of the fall of Soviet power in the Urals in Moscow, it was decided to execute the tsar and his relatives. The murder was entrusted to Ya.M. Yurovsky and his deputy G.P. Nikulin. To help them allocated Latvians and Hungarians from among prisoners of war.

On the night of July 17, 1913, the former emperor and his family were woken up and asked to go down to the basement under the pretext of their safety. “The city is restless,” Yurovsky explained to the prisoners. The Romanovs and the servant went down the stairs. Nicholas carried Prince Alexei in his arms. Then 11 Chekists entered the room, and Yurovsky announced to the prisoners that they were sentenced to death. Immediately after that, indiscriminate shooting started. Tsar Y.M. Yurovsky shot with a pistol at point blank range. When the volleys died down, it turned out that Alexei, the three great princesses and the tsar’s doctor Botkin were still alive — they were finished off with bayonets. The corpses of the dead were taken out of town, doused with kerosene, tried to burn, and then buried.

A few days after the execution, on July 25, 1918, Yekaterinburg was occupied by the troops of the White Army. Her command began an investigation in the case of regicide. The Bolshevik newspapers reporting the execution presented the case in such a way that the execution was initiated by local authorities without coordination with Moscow. However, the commission of inquiry created by the White Guards N.A. Sokolova, who was conducting an investigation in hot pursuit, found evidence refuting this version. Later, in 1935, L.D. admitted this. Trotsky: "The liberals seemed to be inclined to believe that the Ural executive committee, cut off from Moscow, acted independently. This is incorrect. The decision was issued in Moscow." Further, the former leader of the Bolsheviks recalled that, having arrived somehow in Moscow, he asked Y.M. Sverdlov: “Yes, and where is the tsar?” “Ended,” answered Sverdlov, “he was shot.” When Trotsky said: “And who decided?”, The chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee answered: “We have decided here. Ilyich believed that you should not leave them a living banner, especially in the current difficult conditions.”

Investigator Sergeev found on the south side of the basement room where the family of the last emperor died along with his servants, the stanzas of the Heine’s poem - "Belshazzar" in German, which in a poetic translation are:

And before the dawn came,
  Slaves slaughtered the king ...